Why does Iran help fuel the cycle of Israeli-Palestinian violence?

Shoeib Rezapour, 28, was hanged on Behesht Esfarayen bridge after being convicted of murder, according to the Oslo-based rights group Iran Human Rights (IHR).

Rezapour had been convicted of fatally stabbing a man three and a half years ago, IHR said citing an informed source. His sentence was qisas, or retribution-in-kind under Iran’s Islamic legal system.

Iran remains one of the few countries to conduct public executions, a practice widely condemned by human rights groups.

Public hangings were halted in 2021 due to COVID-19 restrictions but resumed in 2022. That year, two people were hanged in public, increasing to seven in 2023 and four in 2024, IHR says.

IHR on Thursday also reported that eight prisoners were executed in Ghezel Hesar Prison in Karaj the previous morning. Six of them were convicted of murder, one was sentenced to death on drug charges and another was hanged for moharebeh or enmity against God in connection with an armed robbery charge.

Earlier this week IHR also warned of the imminent execution of two political prisoners Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani at the same prison after Iran's Supreme Court rejected their request for a retrial.

Last year, at least 975 people were executed in Iran, marking a 17% increase from the 834 executions recorded the previous year.

"We never said we won’t talk, but we shouldn’t bow to bullies," Pezeshkian said Thursday.

"Why should someone on the other side of the world make a statement, and we react with fear?" he added, in an apparent reference to US President Donald Trump.

"We are not afraid; we will stay, we will build, and we will build with strength. This is what we believe in."

Iran's ultimate decision-maker Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei this month rejected talks with Trump, calling them "not wise, intelligent or honorable."

In recent weeks, several Iranian officials, including the foreign minister and the government spokesperson, have echoed the position that Iran sees no point in talks while US sanctions remain in full force.

"Iran's position in the nuclear talks is completely clear, and we will not negotiate under pressure and sanctions," Abbas Araghchi said earlier this week. "There is no possibility of direct negotiations between us and the United States as long as maximum pressure is applied in this manner."

However, perspectives within Iran’s establishment vary. Ahmad Bakhshayesh, a member of the Iranian Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, indicated that negotiations were no longer on the table.

Bakhshayeh said Iran’s increased military budget submitted by Pezeshkian to parliament in October reflects a shift away from diplomatic engagement.

The renewed debate follows US President Donald Trump’s decision earlier this month to restore the "maximum pressure" campaign of sanctions on Iran from his first term.

His move revived a hardline strategy aimed at crippling Iran’s economy, particularly its oil exports, which had been severely restricted following Washington’s 2018 withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

Trump’s latest directive aims to further reduce Iran’s oil exports, a key source of revenue, to zero.

Tehran cannot be allowed to have a nuclear weapon and must make a deal, Trump has argued. "I would prefer a deal with Tehran to an Israeli attack on their nuclear sites," he said after signing the memorandum that reinstated the sanctions.

Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov recently visited Tehran following high-level discussions between Moscow and Washington in Saudi Arabia.

While the exact details of the discussions remain unclear, some Iranian media outlets have cautioned that Russia may not be a reliable partner and could adjust its stance based on shifting geopolitical priorities, speculating that Lavrov may have made concessions regarding Iran’s position.

While the Trump administration has engaged in talks with Moscow to end the war in Ukraine, it has maintained a hardline approach toward Iran, demanding a reversal of Tehran's nuclear, military and regional policies.

At the same time, Washington has hinted at a shared strategic interest with Moscow in preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.

Speaking to independent journalist Catherine Herridge, Senator Marco Rubio said last week, “There are things we could cooperate on geopolitically,” adding, “I’m not sure the Russians are fans of the Iranian regime having nuclear weapons.”

Iranian law prohibits women from singing solo before mixed audiences that include men and mandates adherence to strict hijab regulations.

Although the restrictions are longstanding, a surge of recent such performances have challenged legal and cultural boundaries.

According to music journalist Bahman Babazadeh, the concert had received official authorization. However, during the performance, security forces—accompanied by four female officers—entered the venue and took Seyfizadeh into custody.

Authorities have not given an official reason for the arrest, but an eyewitness, speaking to Iran International on condition of anonymity, confirmed that men were present at the event.

The eyewitness also noted that organizers had prohibited the audience from recording the concert.

Shortly after the incident, Emarat Rooberoo, the venue where the concert was held, announced via Instagram that it would remain closed until further notice.

It is unclear whether authorities or a preemptive decision by the organizers imposed the closure.

Seyfizadeh has previously drawn attention for performing without the mandatory hijab in solidarity with anti-government protesters during Iran’s recent wave of civil unrest.

Her arrest follows a broader crackdown on female performers defying Iran’s strict regulations on women’s public appearances and artistic expression.

In December, security forces arrested and later released singer Parastoo Ahmadi after she livestreamed a concert without the mandatory hijab. Ahmadi’s performance, in which she appeared with bare shoulders, directly challenged Iran’s enforced dress code.

Later that month, the Iranian Judiciary issued a statement condemning the event, stating that the concert had been held "without legal authorization and adherence to Sharia principles" and that it would take unspecified action against the singer and the production team.

Despite internet restrictions, Ahmadi’s Caravanserai Concert quickly became one of the most discussed topics on Iranian social media. Though YouTube is officially restricted in Iran, the performance garnered over 1.5 million views within three days, with clips widely shared online.

Esmaeil Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran's Foreign Ministry, praised the announcement made by jailed PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, who urged the group to dissolve itself in a letter read by Turkey’s pro-Kurdish DEM Party.

“The Islamic Republic of Iran supports any process that leads to the cessation of terrorism and strengthens security in neighboring Turkey,” Baghaei said Friday, expressing hope that this development would have positive effects throughout the region.

Ocalan’s statement comes amid shifting dynamics in the Middle East following the collapse of the Assad government in Syria. The new Syrian administration, backed by Ankara, is seeking to consolidate control over Kurdish-held areas in the north, while Turkey has intensified its push to dismantle Kurdish militant groups in both Syria and Iraq.

Last month, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan called on Iran to align its stance with Ankara’s efforts against the PKK, saying, “There are some who think differently about the PKK in Iran, but we urge all countries, including Iran, to cease support for the group.” His remarks followed reports of an alleged meeting between Iran’s IRGC Quds Force Chief Esmail Qaani and leaders of the PKK-linked YPG in Syria.

Ankara, which classifies the YPG as a terrorist organization, has repeatedly warned that it will take military action if Kurdish militants do not disarm and withdraw. The disbandment of the PKK could reshape security dynamics in the region, particularly in oil-rich northern Iraq, where the group has maintained a base for decades.

Hakan Fidan, who served as Turkey’s intelligence chief for nearly eight years, said he had shared this assessment with Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani, who was killed in a US drone strike near Baghdad International Airport in January 2020. Iran’s regional strategy has fallen short of its goals, and shifting geopolitical dynamics have forced Tehran to reassess its role, according to Fidan.

His latest remarks echo his December interview, in which he criticized Iran’s involvement in Syria, arguing that despite its extensive presence, it failed to prevent the devastation in Gaza caused by Israel’s offensive. That interview highlighted Turkey’s evolving stance, as Ankara has gained leverage following the ousting of Bashar al-Assad, Iran's key ally in the region.

Ankara is widely regarded as the primary backer of the Syrian rebels who toppled Assad, led by Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, however, insists that Tehran's armed groups, including Hamas and Hezbollah, remain strong despite external pressures. Addressing developments in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria, he accused the United States and Israel of misjudging the strength of Iran-backed groups, an assessment that appears increasingly disconnected from the shifting realities on the ground.

In a separate interview with the Saudi-affiliated Al-Hadath, Fidan noted that Iran must reflect on its actions post-Assad. He stressed the need for a regional order built on cooperation, sovereignty, and mutual interests, one that moves beyond the dominance of any single power, whether Iranian, Turkish, or Arab.