Iran bans pre-revolution period drama over hijab, dance scenes

According to Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) released Tuesday, Iran fell by one spot from the previous year, scoring 23 out of 100, where zero means most corrupt and 100, least.

The CPI, the most widely used global corruption ranking in the world, assesses countries and territories annually on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be by experts.

It covers various markers of public sector corruption, including the misuse of public power for private benefit without facing consequences, bribery, diversion of public funds, nepotistic appointments and access to information on public affairs or government activities.

Each country’s score is drawn from 13 different corruption surveys and assessments by a variety of institutions including the World Bank and the World Economic Forum.

Transparency International reported that 47 countries recorded their lowest scores since the current ranking system was introduced in 2012.

Iran's score was lower than Iraq's at 26 but higher than Lebanon's at 22.

South Sudan, Somalia and Venezuela held the lowest scores in 2024.

Transparency International said the "state of anti-corruption efforts in the Middle East and North Africa region remains bleak," attributing the stagnation to the near-absolute control of political leaders.

The global watchdog added that countries experiencing conflict, severe restrictions on freedoms, and weak democratic institutions, rank lowest on the index.

The watchdog said that leaders in the region benefit from wealth directed toward themselves while suppressing dissent to maintain power.

Their authority, it added, has also stalled progress on global issues such as combating climate change and advancing gender equity.

In October 2023, a report by the World Bank has put Iran among the worst countries in the world in terms of Worldwide Governance Indicators, with a Voice and Accountability Index score of -1.45, placing it among the lowest for political participation, free expression, and media freedom.

In a sign of growing internal debate, Massih Mohajeri of the Jomhouri Eslami newspaper sharply criticized officials and media figures who brand supporters of negotiations as “infiltrators” and “dishonored elements”, describing this stance as “utterly against freedom of expression.”

Despite Khamenei’s strong opposition to talks with the United States, some Iranian officials and media have continued to discuss the possibility of negotiations.

Though Mohajeri—personally appointed by Khamenei as the paper’s editor—did not name specific targets, his remarks were widely interpreted as aimed at ultraconservative lawmakers and Kayhan, another newspaper funded by Khamenei.

Mohajeri argued that such individuals and media outlets oppose the principles and teachings of Islam and cannot persuade public opinion to reject negotiations.

Meanwhile, Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref reinforced Khamenei’s stance against talks with the Trump administration.

"Both sides should benefit from transactions, but I believe there is no profit in dealing with the United States. Trump has shown that he is not trustworthy," he said, adding that "Trump may be trusted only if he is reformed, and that is unlikely to happen."

Kourosh Ahmadi, a former Iranian diplomat who served at Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York, highlighted what he called a disinformation campaign by Iranian officials aiming to distort Trump’s message to Tehran. He also dismissed as “meaningless” the claim that negotiations are tantamount to surrender, arguing instead that maintaining a tough stance can compel the other side to retreat or modify its position.

Ahmadi added that as it has been stated in a White House document issued last week, "the fact that negotiation has become a taboo in Iran is not understandable."

He said that the National Security Presidential Memorandum (NSPM) signed by Trump is aimed at "restoring maximum pressure on the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, denying Iran all paths to a nuclear weapon, and countering Iran’s malign influence abroad."

He further characterized Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf's statement, that alleged Trump wishes to disarm Iran, as disinformation and fake news and added that only the text that has been signed by Trump should be considered as his and the White House's official view.

However, he noted, "During the first two weeks after his inauguration, Trump created some hope for the start of negotiations with Iran. I have no idea what led to the unexpected shift in his position." Ahmadi suggested that Trump's approach might have been a negotiation tactic, similar to his dealings with Mexico and Panama, where he initially took an aggressive stance but softened his tone once he saw signs of agreement from the other side.

Despite perceptions in Tehran that Trump has taken a harsher stance toward the Islamic Republic, his position remains unchanged from his first term. This time, however, he has balanced his renewed “maximum pressure” strategy with a stronger emphasis on seeking peace through diplomacy.

The former Iranian diplomat urged officials to consider Trump's memorandum and the White House statement within a broader context to avoid being misled. He also cautioned those influenced by the disinformation campaign, emphasizing that "proper decision-making requires accurate information."

In his editorial, Mohajeri emphasized that the Iranian constitution grants everyone the right to express their views, including on negotiations with the United States. However, he reiterated that "Khamenei is the one who has the final say about relations with the United States" and criticized Trump’s approach, stating, "The US president spoke arrogantly and put forward irrational expectations."

"If the US president gives up his arrogant rhetoric and speaks modestly with Iran, then the roads to negotiation are open," he concluded.

Concerns over further devaluation of the rial are troubling not only ordinary citizens facing soaring prices for essentials like food, housing, and medicine but also producers reliant on imported raw materials.

“As a manufacturer, I must say I can no longer continue production under these circumstances,” Kambiz Ghasemi Jokar, a manufacturer of protective film, posted on X on February 9. He assured customers he would fulfill existing orders but lamented that maintaining his business was no longer viable given the uncertainty.

The rapid fall of the Iranian currency has fueled fears of hyperinflation. “A dollar at 900,000 rials means the destruction of the middle class, civil servants, retirees, and renters, while corruption increases,” Narges Molaei, an Iranian X user.

To reassure the public, Central Bank of Iran’s Economic Deputy Mohammad Shirijan told the Iranian Labour News Agency (ILNA) on Tuesday that inflationary effects from rising forex rates would be minimized.

However, inflation expectations have spiked since late December, when the dollar stood at around 760,000 rials, and especially after Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s speech last week rejecting talks with the U.S.

With the Iranian New Year approaching (March 20), demand for imported goods which need foreign currency is increasing, likely pushing rates even higher.

The price of gold has surged alongside the dollar, as many rush to convert savings into gold. Reports circulating online, which have not been verified by Iran International, suggest authorities have restricted bank accounts of forex exchanges and gold traders on Tuesday to curb further price hikes.

“They’ve locked the market—there have been virtually no transactions today,” a gold trader claimed on X. The reports also indicated that curbside forex dealers on Tehran’s Ferdowsi Street, the country’s foreign exchange hub, were intimidated into halting trades.

On Monday, February 10—the anniversary of the Islamic Revolution and a public holiday—citizens reported the rial had fallen to around 940,000 per dollar in the open market.

On Tuesday, state-linked media such as Tasnim News Agency claimed the rate had dropped below 900,000 but social media posts suggested otherwise, with some online forex platforms still reporting rates above 910,000.

The Tehran Stock Exchange (TSE) also reacted to the uncertainties and the looming danger of maximum pressure sanctions on Tuesday with a 1.32 percent drop in its index.

Economic expert Dalga Khatinoglu told Iran International that exchange rates often spike after political shocks—such as Khamenei’s speech or Iran’s recent missile attacks on Israel—but stabilize afterward, though never returning to previous levels.

He also said Iran’s oil revenue has declined, as exports dropped from 1.9 million barrels per day (bpd) in September to around 1.4 million bpd. Meanwhile, US sanctions on 45 oil tankers have increased transportation costs, further restricting Iran’s access to foreign currency.

Ultra-hardliners blame the relatively moderate government—particularly Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati—for the economic turmoil including the chaos in the forex market.

On Tuesday, nearly 90 lawmakers submitted a motion to impeach Hemmati, which has now been referred to Parliament’s Economic Committee for review.

Investigators have connected two middle-aged sisters to the operation, which is thought to involve the unlawful sale of infants procured from impoverished or drug-dependent families who are distributed to those unable to conceive.

Child trafficking in Iran, although relatively infrequent, may point to deepening poverty and a fraying social safety net.

As reported by Rouydad 24 website, the discovery of the case occurred after informants supplied police information regarding the network's operations, culminating in the arrest of a person in Mashhad who had purchased a one-year-old girl.

The child's mother, a 23-year-old woman struggling with addiction, was also detained. She explained to the authorities that her decision to sell her daughter came from a place of desperation.

"My husband is a homeless addict, and I don’t know where he is. I wasn’t in a good state," she was quoted as saying. "I went to a woman’s house, and she, acting as an intermediary, sold my daughter to another woman. They gave me 600 million rials (about $650)."

After reconsidering, the mother attempted to reclaim her child but was met with threats from the buyer, who demanded 800 million rials (about $850).

Further investigation linked the ringleader, one of the arrested sisters, to similar trafficking schemes in other cities across the country. She said she purchased the child from the addicted mother for 600 million rials and sold the girl to a childless woman who had undergone multiple failed treatments.

While local authorities have arrested several suspects, authorities believe the trafficking ring may be part of a larger network operating throughout the country, triggering a broader investigation into the sale of babies in other cities.

The case adds to a growing body of evidence pointing to the abuse of vulnerable families, in particular those living with poverty and addiction.

But one woman's bumpy road to reclaiming her life through divorce shows how deep-set patriarchy and Islamic rule stack the odds against Iranian ex-wives.

Take my friend Narges. She’s 41 and just-divorced. She thought she had married a feminist man, Amir, and he was in many ways. Until he wasn’t.

“We had it good, more or less, until I was promoted and earned more than him,” Narges says. “He started mocking my work, often accusing me of putting my job first and not our son. ‘You’re too self-centered to be a good mom,’ he once told me.”

It was as if Amir was constantly anxious about how others viewed him, Narges says. “It was as if he felt inadequate—which was not my view at all.”

Some studies suggest that men who earn less than their wives for extended periods are more likely to suffer from higher rates of health problems like anxiety, chronic stress, diabetes or even heart disease.

Patriarchal prejudice compels men to be the (primary) breadwinner. Failure to do so could lead to a crisis of identity—more so in male-dominated societies like Iran.

Iran’s traditions and Islamic laws put the man firmly in charge of his wife. A married woman cannot work or travel without her husband’s permission and can certainly not initiate divorce.

Narges could only because her ex granted her that right when the marriage was registered.

“It is a rare privilege to have in Iran,” she says. “The fact that I was financially independent helped, of course. And Amir, to be fair to him, had no issues with me having it. But all hell broke loose when I tried to use it.”

Amir was a vocal proponent of women’s rights. He still is. That was one reason Narges liked him. After they married, he’d do housework as much as his wife, if not more. When they had their son, he was as hands-on as dads come. Narges had hit the jackpot, our girlfriends would joke.

But things went downhill when Narges got that job—and turned downright ugly when she filed for divorce.

A new Amir emerged during the legal battle for the custody of their son. The custody, according to Iran’s law, belongs to the mother until age 7, to the father until age 10, and after that, the child chooses. But regardless of who has custody, it’s the father who has full legal authority over the child.

“It shocked me to see him resorting to the very codes of religion and patriarchy that he derided as reactionary and stupid,” Narges says. “He used to tell me about his struggles to rid himself of male privilege in Iran. And I believed him. I still think he was sincere when he said it.”

But when it mattered most, the principles vanished and the hardwiring took over.

“The law gave him power and he used it,” Narges says bitterly, blaming the law even more than her ex. “It takes an extraordinary character and restraint to not use your weapon because you believe it would be unfair.”

Amir argued in court that the demands of Narges’ job made her unfit to care for their child. He even banned the child from leaving the country when she wanted to go to Istanbul for a few days. She hit wall after wall as he deployed every legal advantage available to him.

“I thought I knew all about male privilege under Islamic Republic. But there was more, much more,” Narges says, trying not to tear up. “I knew, for instance, that a mother cannot open a bank account for her child without the father’s permission. But I never imagined I’d be told at the school to ‘fetch the dad’ to get my son’s end-year scores.”

Such stories abound, compelling many women with young children to stay in unhappy marriages. But some choose to take the bumpy road out. And their number is rising.

As Iran’s officialdom calls the rise in divorces a great shame, women like Narges—bruised as they are from their experience—see in it something positive.

“I’m not saying divorce is all good and great,” Narges says when I tell her that it is ultimately a breakdown of a contract that was supposed to last a lifetime. “You cannot deny that what we see in Iran is partly a result and a sign of women being more empowered,” she adds.

Divorce, Narges and many others argue, has to be viewed as a choice, even an opportunity, not a mere social failure.

I cannot say I fully agree with her, but I see her point. We have a crude expression in Persian that says “a woman enters her man’s house in white and leaves it in white,” the latter referring to the shroud in which Muslims wrap their dead.

“I left in sage green,” Narges chuckles.