Biden Only Briefly Touches On Iran In Congressional Address

Ahmad Amir-Abadi Farahani said “China wanted to keep the agreement confidential due to its substantial commercial ties with the US, which Beijing considers crucial.”

The revelation coincides with Iran's marginalization from China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and other regional investments, primarily due to enduring US sanctions. Despite close political ties with China, Iran's participation in the BRI remains limited, sparking concerns about the future of their strategic partnership.

Launched in 2013 with investments totaling $1 trillion and spanning approximately 150 countries, the BRI aims to bolster regional integration, amplify trade, and foster economic growth. However, Iran has received scant investments compared to its counterparts, casting doubt on the sustainability of their alliance.

Chinese investments in Iran have been meager, with only two agreements signed between 2013 and 2023, one of which was annulled in 2018 after the US withdrawal from the JCPOA nuclear accord. Projects like the South Pars gas field's phase 11 and the Gohardasht Steel project have encountered hurdles, with Chinese firms retracting or terminating their investments.

The comprehensive strategic partnership announced in 2016 saw the two countries plan to increase trade to $600 billion by 2026 while last year, according to the International Monetary Fund’s Direction of Trade Statistics dataset, the volume of trade reached just $12.5 billion. 

China remains Iran's largest trade partner, but Chinese companies have clinched substantial contracts with other regional players, including Saudi Arabia and the UAE, amounting to billions of dollars.

The campaign Alliance Against Islamic Regime of Iran Apologists (AAIRIA) wrote in its Wednesday statement that “In the seven years Mousavian served as IRI’s ambassador in Germany, more than 23 Iranians were killed in terrorist attacks on European soil orchestrated by IRI...These heinous acts underscore the direct involvement of the IRI embassy in Bonn and Mousavian’s role in Iran's state-sponsored terrorism and orchestrating violence against innocent civilians.”

AAIRIA presented statements from a witness of the Mykonos restaurant assassination in Berlin in 1992 and victims of the Iranian regime’s persecution of dissidents.

Parviz Dastamalchi, who witnessed the assassination, said Mr. Abolghasem Mesbahi, known as 'Witness C,' was one of the founders of the Ministry of Intelligence and Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In February 1997, Misbahi, under oath, testified, before the German court regarding the role of Seyed Hossein Mousavian in the assassination of Kurdish leaders at the Mykonos restaurant.

Mesbahi stated, "Mr. Mousavian has participated in most of the assassinations committed in Europe." His statements were widely reported in the German media during the trial."

Dastamalchi continued that “He could have pursued legal recourse, even claiming damages, but he chose not to. The question arises: why? Is it because Mesbahi likely possessed enough evidence and documents of support his claims? It appears that Mesbahi's testimony was accurate, and the German government's decision not to pursue a legal case against Mousavian was driven by political considerations rather than the absence of criminal culpability.”

Iran International obtained a 1997 archived Berlin newspaper Tagesspiegel article that states Mesbahi told the court during the Mykonos trial that “Mousavian participated in most of the crimes that took place in Europe.” The German security services said Meshbai was a “credible” witness, according to the article. The crimes referenced that Mousavian allegedly participated in were the assassinations of Iranian dissidents.

According to AAIRIA, “Mousavian’s involvement in the assassination of Iranian dissidents became apparent during testimonies of witnesses in the German court. His role in orchestrating violence against innocent civilians is a testament to his complicity in Iran's nefarious activities, further highlighting the dangers of his continued presence at Princeton University.”

Golaleh Sharafkandi, the niece of Dr. Sadegh Sharafkandi, one of the victims of the Mykonos assassination, said “One of the most brazen and public assassinations carried out by Hezbollah at the behest of its master, Islamic Regime of Iran, occurred in 1992, when IRI operatives killed my uncle, Dr. Sadegh Sharafkandi," a Kurdish opposition leader.

Sharafkandi, a former political prisoner, who lives in Sweden, said, “The Mykonos restaurant assassination was carried out by the Iranian regime when Seyed Hossein Mousavian was Iran’s ambassador to Germany. We, especially in the academic world, need to be clear that using diplomatic immunity to cover up or facilitate the Islamic regime of Iran's terrorist actions on international soil is unacceptable and not condoned by academia.”

Dr. Narges Eskandari, the mayor of Frankfurt in Germany, and a former Iranian political prisoner, said “Seyed Hossein Mousavian, Iran's ambassador at the time, is considered one of the key masterminds behind the attack. He had prior knowledge of the assassination attempt, and evidence implicates the Iranian embassy in the attack. To date, there have been no consequences for Seyed Hossein Mousavian. Since 2009, he has been teaching in the United States and currently is a Middle East Security and Nuclear Policy Specialist in the Program on Science and Global Security, a program in Princeton’s School of Public and International Affairs.”

Dr. Majid Mohammadi, who conducted his Post-Doctorate 2007-2008 work at Princeton University, said “During his tenure as a member of Resalat Daily in Iran (in the second half of the 1980s), Mousavian played a key role in legitimizing, promoting, and normalizing terrorism. Resalat published numerous pieces praising Iranians and Arabs involved in assassinating officials such as prime ministers and presidents.

As an alumnus of Princeton University, I believe the recruitment of Mousavian tarnished Princeton's reputation and he should be dismissed immediately.”

Mohammadi continued “I urge Princeton to release all correspondence and contracts associated with Mousavian leading up to his employment, as well as all financial information regarding donors to his program and any travel expenses to Iran since joining Princeton that were covered by the university or its donors.”

Lawdan Bazargan, the lead organizer of the AAIRIA campaign and a former political prisoner in Iran, said, "It's astounding that Princeton's Program on Science and Global Security, with the noble mission of advancing national and international policies for a safer and more peaceful world, has chosen to associate itself with Seyed Hossein Mousavian, who stands accused of involvement in terrorist attacks in Europe. By retaining Mousavian, Princeton jeopardizes its own reputation and undermines its commitment to human rights and global security.”

Bazargan, who lives in California, is the sister of Bijan Bazargan ,who was murdered by the regime in 1988 for his left-wing politics, went on to say that “Mousavian's defense of Iran's nuclear ambitions further highlights the ethical and moral dilemma posed by his presence at Princeton. By firing Mousavian, Princeton can reaffirm its commitment to upholding human rights, fostering global security, and preserving its reputation as a bastion of academic excellence and integrity.”

Bazargan and the members of AAIRIA launched a petition campaign to oust Mousavaian. The petition has secured over 1,000 signatures since last week.

Dr. Farhad Keyvan, a physicist and founder of Netservia LLC, said “Despite his academic credentials and prestigious position, Mousavian's work seems aimed at diverting public attention from the dangerously aggressive nuclear activities conducted by the Iranian regime. His writings and speeches downplay or justify the regime's nuclear ambitions, influencing public opinion in the US and the West. Mousavian must be fired for spreading Iranian regime propaganda and falsehoods, rather than fostering genuine academic discourse and integrity.”

Mina Ahadi, a popular political and women’s rights activist in Germany, said “Expelling Seyed Hossein Mousavian from Princeton University is crucial in this regard. I support this significant action and hope for Mousavian's prompt expulsion from Princeton University.”

Behrouz Asadi also a well-known political and human rights activist in Germany, said, “Representatives of the Islamic Republic, including embassies, consulates, mosques, and other regime infrastructures, as well as its lobbyists, directly engage in espionage, terrorism, and pressure tactics against opposition figures abroad. It is concerning that Princeton University collaborates with Seyed Hossein Mousavian, the former ambassador of the Iranian regime in Germany, amidst such acts of terrorism and disregards human rights issues.”

Numerous Iran International press queries to Mousavian and to Princeton University spokesman Michael Hotchkiss were not immediately returned.

AAIRIA’s campaign against pro-Islamic Republic of Iran academics gained significant momentum in November when Oberlin College ousted Iran’s former UN ambassador Mohammad Jafar Mahallati from his teaching post at the liberal arts college in Ohio.

The AAIRIA campaign triggered Mahallati’s dismissal after it revealed that he covered up the mass murder of 5,000 Iranian political prisoners in 1988, stoked lethal antisemitism; supported the assassination of British-American author Salman Rushdie, spread Hamas’ ideology, and reportedly sexually harassed a student at Columbia University.

"Currently, Turkey is easily replacing Iran in Iraq, and even Saudi Arabia is seizing markets in agricultural production, which poses a serious threat," he told ILNA on Thursday.

Asgari also highlighted the urgency of creating better market conditions for agricultural production, stating that failure to do so could result in the loss of vital markets. He also noted a worrying trend of Iran losing market share, particularly in products like nuts and dried fruits.

Iran has long sought to expand its influence and economic interests in neighboring countries like Iraq and Syria. With cultural, historical, and religious ties, Iran views these countries as crucial markets for its goods and services. However, despite its aspirations, Iran has faced disappointment in its attempts to gain a significant share in their markets.

In Iraq, Iran's ambitions have been hampered by various factors, including political instability, competition from other regional powers, and the lingering effects of international sanctions. Additionally, Iran's involvement in Iraq's internal affairs has often sparked resentment among Iraqi citizens and fueled tensions with the Iraqi government.

Similarly, in Syria, Iran's efforts to establish a foothold in the market have been challenged by the ongoing civil war, which has devastated the country's economy and created a volatile business environment. Despite its strategic partnerships and support for the Syrian regime, Iran has struggled to capitalize on economic opportunities in both Iraq and Syria, leaving its wishes for a market share largely unfulfilled.

Dorosti admitted that due to economic challenges and sanctions, there has been a backlog in the subway in the last few years, saying the city has "a fleet that is largely worn out and the useful life of many wagons is coming to an end,” warning that there is still the possibility of occasional breakdowns without properly renovating the fleet.

According to the official, “In the last one or two years, at least 15 stations and 20 kilometers of tunnels have been added to the metro and after the Covid pandemic, we have witnessed an increase in passengers but our infrastructure has not been upgraded since five years ago.”

Jafar Tashakori Hashemi, the head of the Transportation Commission of the Tehran City Council, blamed the municipality for the increasing breakdowns in the capital’s aging metro network.

Despite the fact that the municipality has adequate funds, it has failed to adopt the necessary measures to repair the metro trains.

According to the official, failure rates in the Tehran subway are much higher than those of the subways of the developed countries where “preventive repairs” are regularly carried out on the wagons.

“We have time and again warned the municipality regarding the necessity of conducting periodic inspections and repairs of metro wagons as well as their fundamental renovation or overhaul,” he pointed out.

Last month, Tehran Mayor Alireza Zakani, responsible for pushing the deal through, announced several contracts were signed with Chinese companies to revamp the capital’s infrastructure, including transportation and construction projects.

According to Zakani, China will also start building housing units in the capital soon. The announcement was met with many negative reactions in Iran. Ahmad Khorram, former Roads and Transportation Minister, lambasted the deal as an "insult to Iran's engineering community" while the local economy is in freefall.

Economic ties between the two nations have once again been rocky in recent months as Iran becomes increasingly dependent on China amidst global sanctions against it for its nuclear program, support for Russia's war on Ukraine and human rights violations.

China's oil trade with Iran stalled in January as Tehran withheld shipments and demanded higher prices from its top client, tightening cheap supply for the world's biggest crude importer.

However, while China remains Iran's largest trade partner, the strategic partnership announced in 2016 is unlikely to bear the fruits Tehran hoped. The two nations announced they would increase trade to $600bn by 2026 but last year, according to the International Monetary Fund’s Direction of Trade Statistics data, the volume of trade reached just $12.5bn.

The Iran-backed Houthi blockade of the Red Sea has also harmed Tehran’s relations with Beijing, no less affected by the critical trade and logistics route’s maritime tensions. How the relationship continues is yet to be seen but with projects in the pipeline, Iran is using its construction and infrastructure projects with China to solidify ties, at least for now.

The trio said that over the past five years, the levels of the country's enrichment “are unprecedented for a state without a nuclear weapons program". The observations were made to the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on Thursday.

Referring to Tehran’s recent dilution of some of its near weapons-grade uranium, the E3 warned that the move “should not lead us to false hope and wrong conclusions” as Iran continues to produce 60% enriched uranium.

“Overall, Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium has increased by 30% in just three and half months,” the statement said, further adding that the possibility of manufacturing a nuclear weapon cannot be ruled out considering Iran’s three significant quantities of highly enriched uranium.

In February, Ali-Akbar Salehi, the former head of Iran's nuclear agency, implied that the country has everything it needs for a nuclear bomb: "We have [crossed] all the thresholds of nuclear science and technology. Here's an example: Imagine what a car needs; it needs a chassis, an engine, a steering wheel, a gearbox. You're asking if we've made the gearbox, I say yes. Have we made the engine? Yes, but each one serves its own purpose."

The group criticized the remarks saying they counter Tehran’s obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and called for Iran’s transparency and cooperation with the UN’s nuclear watchdog.

The E3 statement came a day after the US emphasized the need for Iran to down-blend its entire 60-percent uranium stockpile and cease production of uranium enriched to 60 percent.