The US conducted a new wave of defensive strikes against Iran's Houthi militia in Yemen on Wednesday, targeting seven mobile anti-ship cruise missiles and one mobile anti-ship ballistic missile launcher.
The four strikes were conducted to safeguard merchant vessels and US Navy ships transiting the Red Sea amid the Yemeni militia's blockade of the Red Sea.
CENTCOM stated that “the missiles, launchers and UAS originating from Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen and determined that they presented an imminent threat to merchant vessels and to the US Navy ships in the region.”
The Yemeni militia waged a blockade since November in the Red Sea and surrounding area, in solidarity with Hamas in Gaza following the worst Gaza war since the Iran-backed militia took over the strip. After Hamas's invasion of Israel on October 7, Israel has since launched a relentless bombardment in a bid to rid Gaza of Hamas.
In the wake of the war, Iran's proxies around the region have acted in allegiance with Hamas with attacks on both Israel and US targets due to the US support of Israel's right to defend itself. Joint operations between the US and UK have seen multiple sites attacked in Yemen and a global coalition formed to counter the Yemeni offensive. Last month, US Navy forces intercepted a vessel ferrying advanced weaponry from Iran to bolster the Houthis.
The US State Department condemned the ongoing Houthi aggression and blockade on Wednesday, labeling their actions as "reckless and indiscriminate attacks" on civilian ships, accusing the militia of hindering humanitarian aid deliveries and exacerbating crises in Yemen, Sudan, and Ethiopia.
The US recently redesignated the Houthis as a result of the blockade and the dozens of attacks on global shipping, including the hijacking of the Galaxy Leader and its 25 crew in November.
“We and our partners will continue to take appropriate action, as needed, to protect freedom of navigation and commercial shipping from Houthi attacks in this critical international waterway and to safeguard vital economic and humanitarian assistance to countries in the region,” added the State Department in a statement.
Data by the Islamic Republic's customs organization, scrutinized by Iran International, show that around $26 million worth of items listed as prohibited under the US Treasury's sanctions against Iran was imported to the country only in the first eight months of the current Iranian year, which started on March 21.
Earlier in the month, the head of a top unit at the US Department of Homeland Security said that "sensitive" materials are showing up overseas -- in Iranian weapons. "The Iranian drones that are being recovered on the battlefield in Ukraine, that are being recovered on the battlefield throughout the Middle East, they do have sensitive US communications systems and they have sensitive microelectronics," Jim Mancuso, the assistant director of the Global Trade Division at Homeland Security Investigations, told ABC News. Iran, China and Russia are all "attempting to illegally acquire" US technology, he added.
Although Iran has numerous tools to circumvent the sanctions, including manipulating the documents about its trade of sensitive know-how, data about import and export of drone parts are still decipherable in the official customs documents.
The multifunctionality of parts used to manufacture drones as well as outsourcing the production of some parts to private companies and using intermediaries to buy the materials, have all contributed to the failure of efforts to prevent the development of Iran's drone industry. According to security and military experts, one of the main reasons Western countries have not yet been able to curb the flow of foreign parts to Iran’s drone program is the multifunctionality of imported parts as it is unclear whether a particular part is used in a civilian crop-dusting aircraft or a military drone.
In June last year, the US Department of the Treasury issued a guide on Iran's drone industry. The 11-page “Guidance to Industry on Iran’s UAV-Related Activities” warned traders about items used by Iran in the manufacture of drones that may be subject to US sanctions. A table of 13 categories of items used in the production of drones included engines, navigational equipment, and electronics. The table listed the Harmonized Tariff Schedule (HTS) code, used internationally in customs information, and every traded item assigned a standardized international tariff code.
According to Iran’s custom organization statistics, a total of $236 million worth of “aircraft spark-ignition reciprocating or rotary internal combustion piston engines”, otherwise known as HTS 840710, were imported into the country from March 2012 to November 2023. The import of such products hit its lowest point in 1395 (the Iranian year from March 2016 to March 2017) at around $300,000, but the figure has been on rise ever since.
Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the import of these aircraft propulsion parts increased significantly, with the figure in the eight months ending in November exceeding that of the entire previous year. Seventy-five percent of the total imports in the 10-year timespan originated from Turkey ($52.8 million), Hong Kong ($50.9 million), the United Arab Emirates ($43.7 million), and China ( $28.8 million).
In addition to these primary sources, many European countries are also among the exporters of such equipment to Iran, most from Germany, followed by Ukraine ($2.1 million worth) and Slovenia.
While Ukraine has been exporting to Iran, the situation has now flipped, with Iran supplying drones and missiles to Russia to be used in the war on Ukraine. Reuters cited six sources as saying that Iran has provided Russia with around 400 powerful surface-to-surface ballistic missiles. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said earlier this month that approximately 360 Iranian drones have been shot down in Ukraine since the beginning of January.
In February 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine, Iran imported approximately $31,000 worth of parts and components of aircraft propulsion units used in drone manufacturing from Ukraine. Additionally, the United States also had a share in Iran’s procurement of drone parts, with more than $50,000 worth of equipment that took place in 2013 and 2018.
Iran went from being an importer to a global exporter, going from nearly none in 2020 to approximately $26 million in the first eight months of Iranian year 1402 (March to November 2023). Venezuela has been the first destination for the export of aircraft propulsion parts, with about $20 million worth of exports, which accounts for approximately 37% of the total exports of HTS 840710 items. Tajikistan follows with around $14.4 million, and Ethiopia with about $8.6 million.
Farzin Nadimi, a defense and security analyst and a senior fellow of the Washington Institute, said in an article in November 2022 that and Venezuela began their collaboration in the production of unmanned aerial vehicles in early 2000s. The collaboration progressed to the point where the Islamic Republic established a drone production line for Venezuela in 2012.
Iran's provision of around 400 missiles includes many from the Fateh-110 family of short-range ballistic weapons, such as the Zolfaghar, three Iranian sources said. This road-mobile missile is capable of striking targets at a distance of between 300 and 700 km (186 and 435 miles), experts say.
Iran's defence ministry and the Revolutionary Guards -- an elite force that oversees Iran's ballistic missile programme -- declined to comment. Russia's defence ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The shipments began in early January after a deal was finalised in meetings late last year between Iranian and Russian military and security officials that took place in Tehran and Moscow, one of the Iranian sources said.
An Iranian military official -- who, like the other sources, asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the information -- said there had been at least four shipments of missiles and there would be more in the coming weeks. He declined to provide further details.
Another senior Iranian official said some of the missiles were sent to Russia by ship via the Caspian Sea, while others were transported by plane.
"There will be more shipments," the second Iranian official said. "There is no reason to hide it. We are allowed to export weapons to any country that we wish to."
UN Security Council restrictions on Iran's export of some missiles, drones and other technologies expired in October. However, the United States and European Union retained sanctions on Iran's ballistic missile programme amid concerns over exports of weapons to its proxies in the Middle East and to Russia.
A fourth source, familiar with the matter, confirmed that Russia had received a large number of missiles from Iran recently, without providing further details.
White House national security spokesperson John Kirby said in early January the United States was concerned that Russia was close to acquiring short-range ballistic weapons from Iran, in addition to missiles already sourced from North Korea.
A US official told Reuters that Washington had seen evidence of talks actively advancing but no indication yet of deliveries having taken place.
The Pentagon did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the missile deliveries.
Ukraine's top prosecutor said on Friday the ballistic missiles supplied by North Korea to Russia had proven unreliable on the battlefield, with only two of 24 hitting their targets. Moscow and Pyongyang have both denied that North Korea has provided Russia with munitions used in Ukraine.
By contrast, Jeffrey Lewis, an expert with the Middlebury Institute of International Studies at Monterey, said the Fateh-110 family of missiles and the Zolfaghar were precision weapons.
"They are used to point at things that are high value and need precise damage," said Lewis, adding that 400 munitions could inflict considerable harm. He noted, however, that Russian bombardments were already "pretty brutal".
US Aid Delay Weakens Ukraine's Defenses
A Ukrainian military source told Reuters that Kyiv had not registered any use of Iranian ballistic missiles by Russian forces. The Ukrainian defence ministry did not immediately reply to Reuters' request for comment.
Former Ukrainian defence minister Andriy Zagorodnyuk said that Russia wanted to supplement its missile arsenal at a time when delays in approving a major package of US military aid in Congress has left Ukraine short of ammunition and other material.
"The lack of US support means shortages of ground-based air defence in Ukraine. So they want to accumulate a mass of rockets and break through Ukrainian air defence," said Zagorodnyuk, who chairs the Kyiv-based Centre for Defence Strategies, a security think tank, and advises the government.
Kyiv has repeatedly asked Tehran to stop supplying Shahed drones to Russia, which have become a staple of Moscow's long-range assaults on Ukrainian cities and infrastructure, alongside an array of missiles.
Ukraine's air force said in December that Russia had launched 3,700 Shahed drones during the war, which can fly hundreds of kilometres and explode on impact. Ukrainians call them "mopeds" because of the distinctive sound of their engines; air defences down dozens of them each week.
Iran initially denied supplying drones to Russia but months later said it had provided a small number before Moscow launched the war on Ukraine in 2022.
"Those who accuse Iran of providing weapons to one of the sides in the Ukraine war are doing so for political purposes," Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Nasser Kanaani said on Monday, when asked about Tehran's delivery of drones to Russia. "We have not given any drones to take part in that war."
Rob Lee, a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, a Philadelphia-based think tank, said a supply of Fateh-100 and Zolfaghar missiles from Iran would hand Russia an even greater advantage on the battlefield.
"They could be used to strike military targets at operational depths, and ballistic missiles are more difficult for Ukrainian air defences to intercept," Lee said.
Deepening Ties With Moscow
Iran's hardline clerical rulers have steadily sought to deepen ties with Russia and China, betting that would help Tehran to resist US sanctions and to end its political isolation.
Defence cooperation between Iran and Russia has intensified since Moscow sent tens of thousands of troops into Ukraine in February 2022.
Russia's Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu met the head of Iran's Revolutionary Guards Aerospace Force, Amirali Hajizadeh, in Tehran in September, when Iran's drones, missiles and air defence systems were displayed for him, Iranian state media reported.
And last month, Russia's foreign ministry said it expected President Vladimir Putin and his Iranian counterpart Ebrahim Raisi to sign a broad new cooperation treaty soon, following talks in Moscow in December.
"This military partnership with Russia has shown the world Iran's defence capabilities," said the military official. "It does not mean we are taking sides with Russia in the Ukraine conflict."
The stakes are high for Iran's clerical rulers amid the war between Israel and Palestinian Islamist group Hamas that erupted after Oct. 7. They also face growing dissent at home over economic woes and social restrictions.
While Tehran tries to avoid a direct confrontation with Israel that could draw in the United States, its Axis of Resistance allies -- including Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen -- have attacked Israeli and US targets.
A Western diplomat briefed on the matter confirmed the delivery of Iranian ballistic missiles to Russia in the recent weeks, without providing more details.
He said Western nations were concerned that Russia's reciprocal transfer of weapons to Iran could strengthen its position in any possible conflict with the United States and Israel.
Iran said in November it had finalised arrangements for Russia to provide it with Su-35 fighter jets, Mi-28 attack helicopters and Yak-130 pilot training aircraft.
Analyst Gregory Brew at Eurasia Group, a political risk consultancy, said Russia is an ally of convenience for Iran.
"The relationship is transactional: in exchange for drones, Iran expects more security cooperation and advanced weaponry, particularly modern aircraft," he said.
(Exclusive reporting by Reuters)
The network was aware of the intimidation tactics at the time, but the documents, obtained by Edalat-e Ali (Ali's Justice) hackers, offer indisputable proof that Iran’s Intelligence Ministry and judicial officials were coordinating the harassment efforts.
In November 2019, a sudden hike in gasoline prices led to nationwide street protests that were met with overwhelming brute force by the Islamic Republic’s security and paramilitary forces. In a matter of days, around 1,500 people were killed by these forces, Reuters reported at the time.
Amid official denials, misrepresenting protesters as organized mobs attacking public property, Iran International deployed its full resources to report about the real situation.
The government shut down the internet and Iran International and other foreign-based Persian broadcasters were the only window for the people to know what was unfolding in the country.
In the leaked Intelligence Ministry letter dated November 30, 2019, a top counter-intelligence officer wrote to Ali Alghasi, Tehran Prosecutor General, revealing the tactics employed by the Islamic Republic as dissenting voices became ever harder to quash.
The document, written as protests were quashed, revealed that 15 family members of Iran International employees across the country were summoned by the Intelligence Ministry.
“Some 71 behind the scenes key players were barred from being able to carry out financial transactions,” according to the letter marked as top secret.
While Iran’s pressure on Iran International and other Persian broadcasters has been publicized before, the document offered an insight into the motivations behind such actions.
“These measures had a psychological impact on the employees resulting in mental disorder and confusion and their sense of security,” the counter-intelligence officer added.
Revealing the psychological warfare employed by the regime, the unnamed author of the letter expressed that the intention of the Intelligence Ministry’s actions was to deliberately "disrupt the mental peace" of those daring to voice opposition to the regime.
However, in spite of the attempts to silence the channel, he noted the regime's failure. “It must be mentioned here that following these measures, the network is almost back to its original format and part of their schedule is dedicated to the legal and intelligence agencies actions involving the network’s employees and their families.”
During the 2019 uprising, the government imposed a week-long internet ban in an attempt to further suppress dissent. Describing the work of Iran International to the prosecutor, the letter said: “This network broadcasts interviews with various people opposed to the establishment, e.g. Monarchists, Mojahedin and …… to call on people to rebellion and destruction of public property, destruction and burning of the state property.”
He accused the station of disseminating “false news to encourage the villains and vandals, inviting people to gather in streets and public places, mobilizing the Iranians living abroad to support the rioters” and "subverting the position of the supreme leader of the country by highlighting his support for the [petrol price increase] plan”.
Iran International has been subjected to a state-backed campaign for years, resulting in a significant escalation in threats against its staff in terms of frequency and severity.
In February 2023, the channel had to temporarily relocate its offices in London to Washington after the UK’s security forces determined it could no longer keep the staff safe following assassination attempts by Iran’s IRGC. However, the network reopened in September from a new location amid tightened security measures.
It was also revealed last year that key commanders from Unit 840 of the IRGC’s Qods Force had offered a human trafficker $200,000 in October 2022 to assassinate Fardad Farahzad, a presenter at Iran International, and former presenter Sima Sabet. In February 2023, a Chechen-born Austrian national, Magomed Dovtaev, was arrested close to the network’s headquarters in London on suspicion of conducting hostile reconnaissance. He was subsequently convicted last December for providing information to be used in a terror plot.
The letter reveals that even ordinary citizens who tried to contact Iran International and share their experiences and visual materials faced pressure from the government.
"In respect of the need to counter the actions of the foreigners and the broadcasting satellite networks, those making contacts with them within Iran were identified and phone numbers of the broadcasting companies were blocked,” the counter-intelligence officer wrote.
The leak also revealed the harassment not only of journalists, but also of their parents and family members, threatening them that should their children continue working with “opposition” media, “deemed to disturb the peace and security of the country … they will be dealt with according to the law”.
A UK representative of Reporters Without Borders condemned the harassment of Iran International Journalists. “Iran’s targeting of journalists’ families shows the shocking lengths to which it will go to silence a free press. It is intended not only to disrupt family life, but also to heap yet more psychological pressure on journalists in exile who are also contending with direct threats. RSF stands in solidarity with all Iranian journalists who continue to report in the face of such harassment and calls on the Iranian authorities to immediately stop their relentless efforts to intimidate them.”
The 2023 annual report from Freedom House, noted that “Iranian authorities have intimidated journalists working for Persian-language media outside the country, in part by summoning and threatening their families in Iran”, as its policy of threats continues in the face of mass discontent.
It stated that amid the nationwide protests that began in September 2022, in the wake of Mahsa Amini’s death in morality-police custody, authorities arrested dozens of journalists, and at least 62 were jailed, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.
“Authorities also attempted to suppress coverage of the protest movement by imposing severe restrictions on internet services, including curbs on access to the social media platforms Instagram and WhatsApp,” it stated, as internet shutdowns continue today.
Last month, the US and UK announced a sanctions package against a network involved in assassination plots targeting dissidents, including Iran International journalists, on British soil. At least 15 plots have been foiled in the UK since 2022.
UK Home Secretary James Cleverly said: “The Iranian regime has tried to undermine our democracy through repression … We cannot allow foreign regimes to collaborate with criminals to threaten us. Sanctioning these criminal networks working for the Iranian regime will remind them that we will fight back. My priority is to protect our people and to defend our way of life, and the UK will not tolerate threats from the Iranian regime.”