Reformist Politician Sentenced To 8 Years Behind Bars
Leading ‘reformist’ politician Mostafa Tajzadeh, who was detained in July, has been sentenced to a total of eight years imprisonment on charges of activities against the regime.
Leading ‘reformist’ politician Mostafa Tajzadeh, who was detained in July, has been sentenced to a total of eight years imprisonment on charges of activities against the regime.
Houshmand Pourbabai, Tajzadeh's lawyer, said in a tweet on Tuesday that his client has been given five years in jail for “assembly and collusion against state security,” two years for “spreading lies” and another one year for “propaganda against the regime.”
On Monday, Tajzadeh published a letter addressing Iran's ruler Ali Khamenei to protest how Iran’s Revolutionary Guard’s intelligence agents treat prisoners.
Tajzadeh was deputy-interior minister during the presidency of reformist Mohammad Khatami in 2000s and became an outspoken critic of hardliners’ policies in recent years. He spent seven years in prison after months of nationwide protests to the results of 2009 presidential elections reinstating Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in a second term.
He filed for candidacy in the 2021 presidential election, but was disqualified by the Guardian Council.
In the past three years, Tajzadeh has become even more critical of hardliners and even Khamenei. From his public comments it was apparent that he remained loyal to the concept of an Islamic Republic but otherwise criticized almost every aspect of the political system Khamenei has nurtured.
Typically, the camera-loving populist politician would have seized the opportunity to ride the waves of nationwide protests, but he seems to be neither repeating his criticism of the system and its leader Ali Khamenei like an opposition figure, nor supporting the government to benefit from the advantages of being a loyal servant to Khamenei.
The latter, he has never been though, even during his presidency (2005-2013). He fell out with Khamenei in May 2011 over firing the leader's favorite intelligence Minister Heidar Moslehi, aka Heidar 007, and even refused to go to work for a couple of weeks.
Ahmadinejad has even cancelled his usual weekly meetings with his supporters in his modest neighborhood in Narmak in eastern Tehran or his office at Velenjak in the affluent northern Tehran, reported pro-reform news website Fararu. "Where is Ahmadinejad?" asked the website in an October 11 report. The economic daily Donya-ye Eqtesad wrote that this is in fact the continuation of his silence since ultraconservative Ebrahim Raisi took office as Iran's president in 2011.
Last time the former president was firing shots across the bow was in May-June 2021, before the presidential vote.
Ahmadinejad's former adviser, controversial politician Abdolreza Davari has opined that being in the spotlight while the unrest is continuing is not in the former President's interest.
It is vital for Ahmadinejad to safeguard his position at the Expediency Council although his relations with other council members are extremely limited as they do not like to approach the odd man.
It is important for Ahmadinejad to benefit from the protection his membership in the Council provides, particularly now that he has seen former presidents Mohammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani not reinstated by Khamenei as members. Without this membership, he has no official position in Iran whatsoever, Davari told Fararu.
Ali Ghaffarian, the editor of conservative Sarat News told Donya-ye Eqtesad that either Ahmadinejad has decided to be silent or he has been silenced by the government. However, as he is not likely to submit to anything imposed on him, most probably, it is his own decision to remain on the side-lines amid the uprising.
According to Rouydad24, a moderate news website, the regime also benefits from Ahmadinejad's membership in the Expediency Council, because that puts him on a short leash.
Rouydad24 wrote that Ahmadinejad has lost many levers and even many of his close allies in recent years. This has prompted him to present a different picture of his presidency after a decade, hoping that the people have forgotten what they saw particularly after the disputed 2009 election in which the IRGC assisted him to keep the presidency for a second term.
The website wrote that some of Ahmadinejad's comments portray him as more reformist than famous reform front politicians. But he is neither a conservative, nor a reformist. He is a third kind of politician. "One that looks you in the eye and lies," as presidential contestant Mir Hossein Mousavi said in 2009.
His criticism of the latest round of presidential elections in Iran can well apply to his own election particularly in 2009: "You have limited the cyberspace, ban people from assembly. The people do not have a media outlet of their own and you do not listen to them even when they do not take part in elections or cast blank ballots."
Meanwhile, he interprets popular slogans against the two leading political factions as sign of support for himself. But the people have not said a word in his support neither during the past weeks nor at any other time in previous protests since 2017.
During the past decade, Ahmadinejad constantly spoke about change and now that the opportunity has arrived, he has chosen not to talk about it. He has separated himself from the government as much as he possibly could, but lack of visible grassroot support has left him isolated. And with his background it is unlikely that the youngsters who have taken to the streets like an unstoppable flood would see him or his vaguely defined populist plans anywhere in the bigger picture they have in mind for Iran's future. This also applies to the other two former presidents who have even less public support than Ahmadinejad and remain silent about the biggest shock to the Islamic Republic.
Those who are looking for news in Iran will not turn to the state TV, Abdi argued.
Ironically, when hackers interrupted the state TV news program October 8, playing a short clip, most Iranians found out about it through social media reports or on foreign-based satellite TV rather than watching the actual program on the state TV.
Meanwhile, former Vice President Mostafa Hashemi Taba has argued in another interview that the state TV, also known as the Islamic Republic of Iran's Broadcasting organization (IRIB) excels in keeping Iranians uninformed about developments. He added that Iranians no longer trust the state television and the officials who appear on TV.
"When the television broadcasts what only a tiny segment of the population believes, others will inevitably turn their TV sets off and turn their backs to it."
Meanwhile, former IRIB Chief Mohammad Hashemi also criticized IRIB for airing the news only after they have been broadcast on foreign-based satellite channels. Nonetheless, he praised the state TV for countering lies and rumors, without citing an example.
According to Didban Iran [Iran Monitor] website in Tehran, the activity of IRIB's deputy chief for political affairs, which is in charge of news has been reduced to responding to information programs that foreign-based Persian media broadcast about Iranian developments.
IRIB is directly controlled by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s office, especially its news and political programming.
The state broadcaster usually repeats what has already been aired during previous hours and sometimes days, adding a spin to please the organization's management and its supreme chief, Khamenei.
During the three weeks since the start of antigovernment protests in Iran, IRIB's most eye-catching output was showing the half-naked image of an Iranian protester abroad, for which the organization was forced to apologize later. It was meant to help the regime’s cause by discrediting protesters, but it touched a raw religious nerve among some insiders.
IRIB’s penchant for one-sided news has deeply annoyed viewers who currently get their news from social media and Persian-speaking satellite TV channels based in Europe and the United States. The viewers no longer trust the media that belongs to and echoes the voice of a government they have ceased to trust for the same reason: Unilateralism, justifying and beatifying the government's often wrong measures and its police brutality in the streets.
IRIB Chief Payman Jebelli has described the organization as "the regime's media outlet," an expression that was also used later by former President Hassan Rouhani. The same thing was said even more elaborately by the chairman of the state TV office in Khorasan Province Mohsen Nasrpour who stated, "the state TV is the mouthpiece of the government and the regime."
This was most recently reiterated by Hashem Hosseini Bushehri, a senior cleric, during a meeting with Jebelli on October 8. According to the Qom Seminary's official website, Bushehri said: "IRIB is the official podium for the Islamic Republic regime."
The people who have been chanting slogans in the streets of almost all major Iranian cities during the past three weeks, saying that they no longer want the Islamic Republic, are not likely to be interested in the same regime's mouthpiece. Following the hacking on Saturday, an Iranian Twitter user commented: "Thank you. Next time, please unplug the entire state television."
