Araghchi urges regional security arrangements without outside powers
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said he had called for regional security arrangements free of outside interference during phone conversations with 12 foreign ministers over the past 48 hours.
Writing on social media, Araghchi said the calls covered regional and international developments and the consequences of what he described as destabilizing actions by the United States and Israel.
He said he emphasized respect for national sovereignty, an end to attacks and threats, and the responsibility of regional countries to prevent insecurity from spreading.
“I stressed our country’s legitimate right to defend its sovereignty and national security, and the need for regional security arrangements without interference by powers from outside the region,” he wrote.
Araghchi spoke with his counterparts from Oman, Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Cyprus, Turkey, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Tunisia, Iraq and Pakistan.
The medium-range Jihad ballistic missile (MRBM) unveiled by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Aerospace Force on September 21, 2024, during Tehran's annual Sacred Defense Week parade.
New satellite imagery suggests Iran is undertaking major construction near missile bases and repairing military installations damaged by months of US and Israeli airstrikes, according to an investigation by BBC Verify.
The BBC's investigation, published Friday, drew on satellite imagery examined by analysts at MAIAR, a British intelligence analysis company. The analysts identified significant excavation and new construction at two major missile facilities, Garmdareh in Karaj near Tehran and Shahroud in northern Iran. At least 12 other military installations, including missile complexes and air bases, also showed signs of repairs.
BBC Verify identified new roofing on damaged structures at a missile base near Kermanshah in western Iran and extensive reconstruction at the Parchin military complex east of Tehran.
The findings add to growing evidence that Tehran is attempting to restore its military capabilities despite the continuing US-Israeli campaign, which began in February and targeted Iran's missile factories, launch facilities, air defenses and nuclear infrastructure.
Rebuilding a damaged military arsenal
President Donald Trump has repeatedly described Iran's military capabilities as largely destroyed. The Pentagon previously said US strikes had destroyed up to 90% of Iran's drone, ballistic missile and naval industrial base.
Other assessments, however, suggest Iran has retained significant capabilities.
In September, The Wall Street Journal reported, citing US and Middle Eastern officials, that Iran had resumed assembling ballistic missiles in underground facilities using stockpiled components. Production reportedly remained below prewar levels.
Bloomberg reported in October that Western officials believed Iran had preserved enough missile and drone manufacturing capacity to replenish its arsenals. One official also said Russia was supplying missiles, although Moscow did not confirm the claim.
An October report by the US Congressional Research Service also cited an earlier Defense Intelligence Agency assessment that Iran retained thousands of missiles and attack drones despite wartime losses and was seeking Russian and Chinese equipment and materials to replace damaged capabilities.
A separate October assessment by the Foreign Policy Research Institute offered a more cautious picture. Its satellite analysis found continued underground activity at Parchin, Khojir and Shahroud, though it concluded that major aboveground missile-production facilities remained heavily damaged.
The institute said several solid-fuel production lines were still inoperable and that substantial reconstruction and equipment replacement would be necessary before large-scale manufacturing could resume.
The latest BBC findings point to further efforts to protect surviving infrastructure.
Former CIA analyst Jim Lamson told the BBC that excavation near Shahroud could be connected to missile production, with the Revolutionary Guards potentially seeking to move manufacturing operations underground to shield them from future attacks.
At Karaj, satellite imagery appeared to show a new entrance to an underground complex, according to Sam Lair of the Foreign Policy Research Institute.
Iranian state television has also broadcast footage it said showed dozens of missiles outside an underground facility in southern Iran, although the footage does not establish the size or operational readiness of the country's remaining arsenal.
Construction near nuclear facilities
The reconstruction effort also extends to sites near Iran's nuclear infrastructure and facilities associated with past nuclear research.
BBC Verify identified excavation and new construction outside tunnel entrances near the city of Qom, close to the Fordow underground uranium enrichment complex, which has repeatedly been targeted by US and Israeli strikes.
At Parchin, satellite imagery also showed substantial work at the Taleghan 2 facility, including concrete reinforcement around an underground structure damaged by airstrikes.
The Institute for Science and International Security reported in September that Iran was rapidly reconstructing Taleghan 2, a facility associated with past nuclear weapons-related research. Its analysis documented construction vehicles, repairs to bomb-damaged sections and additional measures intended to protect the structure from future attacks.
Separately, the Center for Strategic and International Studies reported increased construction activity at Pickaxe Mountain, an underground complex near the Natanz nuclear facility.
Ariel footage showing activity at pick at Pickaxe Mountain.
Satellite imagery showed reinforced entrances, road improvements and activity suggesting work inside the mountain. The researchers said the available evidence could not establish whether centrifuges had been transferred there or whether uranium enrichment was taking place.
The International Atomic Energy Agency has been unable to inspect Iran's bombed nuclear installations since June 2025, leaving major uncertainties about the condition of its enrichment infrastructure and nuclear material.
The combination of new underground construction, repairs to military installations and reported weapons assembly suggests a continuing effort to restore capabilities targeted throughout the war, although the extent of Iran's recovery remains uncertain.
Military rebuilding and economic pressures
Mark Cancian, a military analyst at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told the BBC that the construction appeared intended to strengthen Iran's defenses against future attacks.
“It also indicates a priority on rebuilding military capability rather than rehabilitating the economy,” he said.
For a military campaign intended to cripple Iran's missile and nuclear capabilities, the continuing reconstruction raises questions about how lasting its results will be. Months of bombardment have inflicted extensive damage, yet Tehran continues to direct resources toward rebuilding military infrastructure, increasingly underground, while its economy deteriorates and ordinary Iranians struggle with rising costs and declining living standards.
Iranian commentators are divided over JD Vance's remarks on the political costs of the war with Iran, with some seeing evidence of tensions within the Trump administration and others warning that he may be trying to lure Tehran into a disadvantageous deal.
In a post on X on Wednesday, Vance identified ending the war and reassessing relations with Israel among the priorities of voters who supported Donald Trump in 2024 but switched to Democrats in Tuesday's midterm elections.
Iran's parliament speaker and chief negotiator, Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, quoted Vance's post to challenge the Trump administration's approach to the war and its relationship with Israel.
Iranian media have since offered differing interpretations of Vance's intentions and his influence over US policy.
The analytical website Vana News said the vice president's remarks highlighted differences in how senior US officials assessed the costs and future of the war, but cautioned against interpreting them as evidence of an irreconcilable rift.
“Differences in perspective do not necessarily mean a breakdown in political cooperation or an irreconcilable conflict between the president and his deputy,” Vana News wrote, adding that it remained unclear whether such differences would affect Washington's policy decisions.
‘Self-interest’
Mohsen Zahedi-Movahed, a retired diplomat and international affairs analyst, was more emphatic.
“Vance's admission that the war was the first reason voters were angry with Republicans is extremely important. How will Trump respond? The divide they wanted to create among Iranian leaders has now come back to haunt them!” he wrote on X.
Ali Nasri, a pro-government commentator, argued that Vance's apparent differences with Trump over Israel predated the Republican election defeat.
“[Vance realised] that his own political future and the survival of the entire America First movement depend on distancing himself from Israel and ending the war with Iran,” Nasri wrote on X. “We paid a heavy price to reach this position of strength,” he added.
‘Prelude to war’
But Parisa Nasr, a hardline journalist, warned against interpreting Vance's remarks as an encouraging sign, describing them as “another episode in Vance's double game.”
She accused Vance of pursuing an electoral and geopolitical manoeuvre designed to appeal to American voters while encouraging Iranian officials who favour an agreement with Washington.
Nasr also linked the remarks to mediation efforts by Qatar and Pakistan, warning that Tehran could be drawn into an agreement that would leave it vulnerable to renewed conflict.
“Even if it leads to an immediate asymmetric agreement, it is a prelude to the next war and poses a very serious danger,” she wrote.
Diplomacy continues
Asked on Wednesday whether he agreed that the war had contributed to the Republicans' defeat, Trump said it was “largely true” but defended his decision to attack Iran, insisting that military action was necessary to prevent Tehran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.
The debate over Vance's intentions comes against the backdrop of a letter he sent in late October to Mohsen Rezaei, secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, to which Tehran has not formally responded.
According to US media reports, Vance called for the immediate start of comprehensive negotiations, including on Iran's nuclear programme, and expressed his readiness to lead the American delegation in talks with Iranian officials.
Rezaei said on October 31 that he had read the letter, delivered through Qatar, but had not yet responded. He described its tone as different from previous communications from Washington, calling it “a good sign” that demonstrated Iran had consolidated its power.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei struck a more cautious note on November 2, saying Tehran would judge Washington by its actions rather than the tone of its letters.
A US military official urged Iranian civilians to remain indoors and stay away from Revolutionary Guards positions if military tensions escalate, telling Iran International that the IRGC was placing weapons and command centers in residential areas.
The official said the United States was concerned about the safety and security of the Iranian people.
“The IRGC has been placing military assets like weapons and command centers inside civilian neighborhoods and near homes,” the military official said.
The official accused Iran’s leadership and the Revolutionary Guards of using civilians to shield military assets while sheltering in protected locations.
“The Islamic Regime does not care about the people of Iran, as evidenced by Regime leaders and the IRGC using innocent civilians as human shields while they hide. They are hiding in fortified facilities and underground bunkers.”
The official also outlined precautions for civilians in the event of heightened tensions.
“If military tensions escalate, Iranian civilians should take appropriate precautions by remaining indoors and staying far away from the IRGC.”
“The safest place for Iranian civilians during heightened tensions is inside their home.”
The remarks follow an Iran International investigation published in March that found Iranian security and military forces had moved personnel, weapons and equipment into at least 70 civilian sites across 17 provinces during US-Israeli airstrikes.
Those sites included 34 schools, alongside hospitals, stadiums, universities, mosques, parks and government offices. Iran International could not independently verify every account but geolocated visual evidence from seven sites, all schools. Iranian officials have repeatedly denied using civilians as shields.
The warning comes amid renewed diplomatic efforts to avert further fighting. President Donald Trump said Friday that talks with Iran were ongoing.
Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani urged Washington and Tehran on Friday to accept a good deal rather than pursue a perfect one, saying the two sides had failed to reach a comprehensive agreement.
Bloomberg reported Friday, citing a diplomat familiar with the talks, that Iran was studying Qatari proposals involving nuclear issues previously off the table.
A senior Iranian official told Reuters a day earlier that Tehran had sent Washington a nuclear proposal through Qatar, but would discuss it only after the United States met its seven demands.
File photo shows Russian S-400 missile defense system
Iran sent security chief Mohsen Rezaei to Moscow to request S-400 air defense systems in a personal letter from Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei to President Vladimir Putin, The Telegraph reported Friday, citing a senior Iranian official.
A senior Iranian official told the newspaper Tehran was “optimistic” that Putin would deliver the systems, which Iran has sought for years.
Rezaei visited Moscow on Thursday, where he met the Russian president. The report did not establish that a deal had been finalized or give a delivery timetable.
The Telegraph also said confidential documents showed a secret parliamentary committee had recommended strengthening military ties with Russia and China before the war began in February. Its proposals called for building “strategic relations, especially military ones” with those powers and bolstering Iran’s “air defense, missiles and drones.”
The visit followed a phone call between Putin and Rezaei on Monday, after which no new military commitments were announced.
Alex Vatanka, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, told Iran International that Moscow would help Tehran so long as doing so did not risk direct confrontation with Washington.
Iran’s pursuit of the S-400 reflects the damage inflicted on its air defenses during the war, which exposed nuclear facilities and senior commanders to attack. But Moscow has stopped short of supplying the systems for years, wary of damaging relations with Israel and other regional states, analysts and regional officials told The Telegraph.
Russia’s own needs could also complicate any delivery. Analysts cited by the newspaper said Ukrainian drone and missile attacks had placed Russian air defenses under sustained pressure, limiting the systems Moscow could spare.
The talks add to evidence of expanding military cooperation. The Financial Times reported Thursday that Russia had agreed to supply Iran with 90 helicopter-mounted launchers for precision-guided missiles. A Russian production schedule identified the customer under a code used for Iran.
The partnership has developed in both directions: Iran supplied Russia with Shahed attack drones and helped establish Russian production. But analysts say Moscow continues to balance assistance to Tehran against its own war in Ukraine and relations with Washington and Middle Eastern powers, leaving the extent of its support uncertain.
File photo: A view shows Gazprom's Amur Gas Processing Plant near the town of Svobodny in the Amur Region, Russia September 13, 2023.
Iran, home to the world's second-largest natural gas reserves, is turning to Russia for supplies as war damage and years of underinvestment threaten to deepen an energy crisis ahead of winter.
After meeting President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on November 5, Iranian security chief Mohsen Rezaei said the two countries had discussed pipelines to ease Iran's gas shortages and supply neighbouring markets.
The proposal offers potential relief, but raises a larger question: whether Russian imports will help Iran repair its struggling energy system or merely postpone the reforms needed to make it work.
On November 1, National Iranian Gas Company chief Saeed Tavakoli said attacks on four processing facilities had removed 230 million cubic metres of daily capacity. Repairs had restored 100 million, leaving 130 million unavailable.
Tavakoli warned that Iran could face a peak winter shortfall of around 400 million cubic metres a day. The figure is an official estimate for periods of maximum demand, not a year-round deficit.
The consequences are already visible. Gas supplies to cement plants were cut from October 23, according to an industry representative, forcing factories to switch to fuel oil. Such rationing protects household heating but disrupts production, increases costs and worsens air pollution.
The US Energy Information Administration estimated that the country produced 9.4 trillion cubic feet of gas in 2023 while consuming 8.9 trillion, leaving a narrow margin that conceals much sharper winter shortages.
Heavily subsidised prices encourage consumption, while inadequate investment, limited storage and restricted access to technology constrain supply. The giant South Pars field also needs investment to counter declining reservoir pressure.
Sanctions have obstructed financing and equipment purchases, but Tehran's policies have compounded the problem. Expanding dependence on cheap gas without sufficient investment in efficiency and production has left the economy vulnerable whenever temperatures fall.
Russian imports could provide breathing space. They cannot correct those weaknesses by themselves.
Iran and Russia have discussed gas cooperation for more than two years, but announcements have repeatedly outpaced delivery. Gazprom and the National Iranian Gas Company signed a memorandum in June 2024.
In January 2025, Putin outlined initial supplies of 2 billion cubic metres annually, potentially rising to 55 billion. Iranian officials announced further progress in October 2026, but a firm delivery date and financing for a major pipeline remain unclear.
Two billion cubic metres annually averages just 5.5 million cubic metres a day, less than 2% of Iran's estimated peak winter shortfall. Even the ambitious target of 55 billion annually averages about 151 million cubic metres a day.
These comparisons illustrate scale rather than guaranteed winter deliveries, which would depend on contracts, pipeline capacity and seasonal demand. Initial imports could help particular regions or industries but would make only a modest difference nationally.
Existing infrastructure through Azerbaijan could carry limited initial supplies. Reaching the larger target would require substantial investment in pipelines and equipment, transit agreements and reliable delivery arrangements.
Commercial terms also remain uncertain. Pricing and payment arrangements were still unresolved earlier this year, and subsequent announcements have not disclosed the details. Selling imported gas into Iran's heavily subsidised domestic market could increase pressure on public finances.
US sanctions could complicate financing and payments, although certain natural gas transactions are exempt from specific restrictions. Other sanctions affecting banks, contractors and designated companies would still need to be navigated.
For Moscow, the attraction is clear. Having lost much of its European pipeline market, Russia needs alternative buyers. Iran offers substantial demand and potential access to neighbouring markets.
But the partnership could come with unequal leverage. Tehran urgently needs gas, infrastructure and financing, while Moscow has supplies to sell. Dependence on Russian equipment, funding and deliveries could leave Iran with fewer options when negotiating prices and future commitments.
The arrangement also fits Tehran's ambition to become a regional gas trading hub. Yet that ambition faces a basic credibility test: can Iran reliably supply neighbouring countries when it struggles to meet domestic demand during winter?
Russian gas could support regional trade, but Iran risks becoming primarily a route for Russian exports without gaining meaningful control over prices or supply.
Ultimately, imports could help keep factories operating and reduce emergency fuel switching. Lasting energy security, however, requires repairing damaged facilities, sustaining production at South Pars and improving efficiency, alongside gradual subsidy reform that protects poorer households.
For a country with the world's second-largest gas reserves, the need to import is itself a measure of striking energy system deterioration. Whether the arrangement helps reverse that decline or just deepens Tehran's dependence on Moscow matters far more than the volume of gas promised.
