Syrian and Iranian drug manufacturers have shifted their activities to Yemen after the overthrow of the Assad dynasty last year, according to a global anti-drug body and a Yemeni official cited by AFP on Thursday.
Yemen’s internationally recognized government recently seized 447 kilograms of narcotics and performance-enhancing substances – largely amphetamine-based – during coordinated raids carried out on land and at sea.
The World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) chief Gunter Younger told the agency that the seizure was “a landmark moment,” saying it shows law-enforcement bodies are now taking the trafficking of banned substances far more seriously.
WADA and Yemeni officials assessed, AFP reported, that a safe haven for drugs production in Syria had collapsed with the fall of Bashar al-Assad to rebel forces in December and that the lawless Arabian Peninsula country was taking its place.
"Iran is the one that provided the experts with financial support and modern equipment, and investigations have proven this, as well as the experts' confessions," Major Murad al-Radwany, Interpol's Yemen-based internal security coordinator told AFP on Thursday.
Yemen's internationally-recognized government is at war with the Iran-aligned Houthi movement, which controls most of the country's population centers.
Iranian-backed production and smuggling
The dismantled facility was “the first factory to be set up in Yemen and equipped with the latest modern devices,” Radwany said.
The builders, he said, planned to open additional labs in other cities to produce stimulants for export.
"The Houthis consider it a source of income, facilitating smuggling to neighboring countries,” he added.
"Iran also benefits from this, and its goal is to export drugs and stimulants to Arab countries and destabilize security and stability in Yemen and neighboring countries."
This aligns with earlier reports, which has documented how the collapse of central government control in Syria turned that country – long a global hub for the amphetamine-based drug Captagon – into a major production center. Iran-backed militias and regional proxy groups, according to those reports, have helped smuggle Captagon into Persian Gulf states, fueling instability and militia financing.
A 2025 case in Syria saw the arrest of a militia leader linked to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) on charges of drug trafficking and antiquities smuggling.
Iran’s response
In response to the allegations, an Iranian foreign-ministry spokesperson told AFP that the accusations are “unfounded.”
Nonetheless, the mounting drug busts and associated intelligence suggest a widening spotlight on Iran’s involvement in regional narcotics – with growing calls for independent investigation and international scrutiny.
Mehdi Rasouli, a well-known maddah or religious eulogist and chant leader, performed at the Imam Khomeini Hussainiyah in Tehran. It is the main auditorium within Khamenei's office complex known as Beyt-e Rahbari or the Leader's house.
“From now on, we have one goal — and that is the heart of Tel Aviv,” he said. "Your accursed name will no longer remain in this world. Tell that yellow-haired murderer he will be no more," he said in reference to Donald Trump to loud assent from attendees.
The event held earlier this week formed part of ceremonies marking Basij Day, when Iran’s volunteer paramilitary force is feted.
Eulogists in Iran's Shi'ite Muslim tradition deploy chants and poetry to encourage enthusiasm in religious gatherings. Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution which ushered in a theocracy, the content of their presentations reflect state political ideology.
"Bullies stronger than you lie buried under piles of earth," Rasouli continued. "You will not see Iran’s surrender even in your dreams ... Are you too, like Pharaoh, thinking you will not die?"
"Death does not hesitate even a moment to take your soul. It wouldn’t hurt to visit the graves of Carter and Reagan once in a while," he said.
Crowd reactions followed the familiar arc of such performances – chants at crescendos, brief laughter at lines like “If you mention the name of Iran, be polite,” and tears as Rasouli invoked recent war dead, including Revolutionary Guard commanders killed in clashes with Israel.
He delivered the poem in epic, martial cadences, and the audience periodically answered with slogans.
The recital ended with pledges of allegiance to the Supreme Leader, prompting the hall to respond “Labbayk, labbayk” – an Arabic formula of assent meaning “at your service” in a show of allegiance to Khamenei.
A poem of menace and myth
A maddah is a lay performer, not a cleric. Over three decades, their role has expanded from mourning rites to emotionally charged performances that can carry political overtones.
Their verses, set to strong rhythms, aim to stir grief for the martyrs of Karbala, devotion to the Prophet’s family, and, increasingly, political zeal.
When delivered at the leader’s own venue, the rhetoric carries extra weight for loyalists – even as officials can argue that maddahs speak for themselves, not for the state.
Rasouli’s text stitched together recurring motifs. He opened by hailing Iranian resilience and vowing ultimate triumph – “In the end, Iran will be the victor of the battle” – before pivoting to taunts of US and Israeli leaders.
At another point he warned: “Ajal does not delay in taking your soul,” using the Persian term ajal – the appointed time of death – to suggest that fate, or the Angel of Death, does not pause, a standard rhetorical device in Persian oratory.
The poem drew on classical Persian epic and Shi'ite sacred history.
Rasouli invoked Rostam, the pre-Islamic epic hero of Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, likening Israel to a div (demon) and rhyming “div” with “Aviv” to fix the poem’s “final aim on the heart of Tel Aviv.”
He also reached for Shi'ite iconography, saying Ali, the first Shi'ite Imam, would come for Israel with his bifurcated sword Zolfaghar, a symbol widely recognized in Iran.
The barbs sat alongside appeals to faith and fidelity: victory, he said, hinges on obedience to the Supreme Leader – a cue for synchronized chants of “Labayk.”
Modern military references appeared in the poem too. In a couplet that played on rhyme and Iranian missiles, Rasouli said: “If you have bunker-busters, we have Kheibar-Shekan,” pairing the Persian for “bunker-breaker” (sangar-shekan) with Kheibar-Shekan (Khaybar-Breaker), the name of an Iranian solid-fuel medium-range ballistic missile unveiled in 2022.
Khaybar also refers to a 7th-century Jewish oasis near Medina and, in Shi'ite lore, to Imam Ali’s breaching of its fort – a religious touchstone repurposed in modern rhetoric.
Why eulogists matter
Under Ali Khamenei, maddahs regularly perform at his residence on major religious occasions and enjoy networks of patronage that can extend through state and quasi-state institutions.
Analysts say eulogists act as emotional amplifiers: knitting mourning, nationalism and loyalty into a single ritual package.
Within pro-government circles, however, the venue and proximity to power matter; when a poem is staged at the leader’s inner sanctum, supporters treat it as consonant with the leadership’s mood, if not a formal policy.
The eulogist scene is diverse, spanning apolitical performers, staunch loyalists to the leadership, and figures tied to rival conservative factions.
Celebrity maddahs have campaigned for candidates, criticized senior officials, and at times helped mobilize crowds.
Their hey’ats (religious associations) fund and stage mass ceremonies during Muharram and Arbaeen, and some maintain close ties with the Revolutionary Guards’ Basij militia.
There are at least 150,000 maddahs in Iran now some of whom receive “astronomical” sums as “gifts” for their much-advertised performances.
In a genre long fused with piety and politics, Rasouli leaned into a newer twist: Persian epic motifs spliced onto Shi'ite heroism – a form once anchored almost entirely in Shi'ite themes.
Shahnameh references now sit alongside invocations of Ali and the “martyrs,” recasting loss and defiance in a national-myth frame.
Inside the hall, the result is part sermon, part rally, part catharsis.
Established in 1979 under IRGC command as a mass mobilization force, the Basij has long been embedded in Iran’s internal security apparatus.
“Basij volunteers were active in the fields of security and public support from the first day of the escalation,” the Revolutionary Guards Commander-in-Chief Mohammad Pakpour said on Thursday.
Addressing a nationwide Basij drill, he said public expectations of the Guards and its volunteer network have increased and that both institutions must intensify their efforts.
Rights groups have long documented the Basij’s role in crushing major waves of unrest.
They cite the 2009 post-election protests, the November 2019 crackdown that killed hundreds, and the 2022–23 uprising after Mahsa Amini’s death. Reports describe beatings, arbitrary detentions, and the use of live ammunition. Iranian authorities deny any systematic abuse.
In Zahedan, deputy IRGC commander Ali Fadavi told a Basij rally on Wednesday that June’s clashes signaled “the defeat of the arrogance front,” in reference to the United States and Israel.
He argued the episode marked “the start of a new path” and said Washington sought to halt the fighting after Iran launched missiles at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar.
Washington earlier engaged Tehran over its nuclear program with a 60-day deadline. On June 13, a day after the ultimatum expired, Israel launched a surprise campaign that ended with US strikes on June 22.
Hardline calls for any future confrontation
Basij members oppose ending a future conflict without the complete destruction of Israel, Senior IRGC adviser Mohammadreza Naghdi also said Thursday in Mashhad.
“If another battlefield opens, the Basij’s demand is that we should not stop this war without the complete destruction and elimination of the Zionist regime.”
He described Iran’s adversaries as “in their weakest state” and said the Basij is prepared “to endure any hardship” in a wider war.
“Soon you will be reduced to misery by these Basijis,” said Naghdi.
Earlier in the week, IRGC spokesperson Ali-Mohammad Naeini told a Basij conference that Iran had faced “all of CENTCOM and NATO on its own without seeking assistance from any country.”
Iran’s command structure, he said, was restored quickly after initial strikes and credited coordinated mobilization for sustaining what he called political and economic stability.