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Tehran hardliners boil over at president’s push for US talks

Behrouz Turani
Behrouz Turani

Iran International

Aug 12, 2025, 07:39 GMT+1Updated: 04:13 GMT+0
Iran's president Masoud Pezeshkian taking pictures at a meeting of his Cabinet with reporters, Tehran, Iran, August 10, 2025
Iran's president Masoud Pezeshkian taking pictures at a meeting of his Cabinet with reporters, Tehran, Iran, August 10, 2025

Iran’s president is facing a storm of backlash after twice straying into politically fraught territory on live television, first by suggesting talks with Washington were preferable to war, then by downplaying the stakes of the Zangezur Corridor dispute.

“Do you want to fight?” he asked in an apparent address to Tehran’s hardliners. “Well, you did, but they hit us. If we rebuild the nuclear establishments, they are going to target them again. What can we do if we do not negotiate?”

Moments later, he sought to soften the remark: “Of course we will not do anything against the Supreme Leader’s will.”

But the attempted walk-back did little to blunt the reaction.

Kayhan, the hardline daily whose chief is appointed by supreme leader Ali Khamenei, called his comment a product of “ignorance.”

“Some of our officials are preoccupied by the war–negotiation dichotomy,” Kayhan wrote, even as the United States and Israel “begged Iran for a ceasefire.”

Mishap reloaded

Hours later, Pezeshkian added fuel to the fire when asked by a state TV reporter about the US-brokered Zangezur Corridor through Armenia’s Syunik region.

He said foreign minister Abbas Araghchi had assured him it had “nothing to do with Iran’s interests,” contradicting — among others — the Revolutionary Guards and Khamenei’s decade-old assertion that the project was detrimental to Armenia and that Tehran would remain firm in opposing it.

The comment was immediately seized upon by political rivals. Aladdin Boroujerdi, an influential hardline MP, and Khamenei’s chief adviser Ali Akbar Velayati had already made clear their opposition to the corridor.

By appearing unaware of that stance, Pezeshkian handed critics an opening to question his political capacity and grasp of state priorities.

Ultraconservative outlets accused him of echoing US president Donald Trump’s threats against Iran and undermining the country’s right to enrich uranium.

‘Making war more likely’

Vatan Emrooz branded his stance “withdrawal and surrender,” while Javan— affiliated with the Revolutionary Guards—criticized him for defending his positions as “coordinated with Khamenei” rather than engaging critics directly.

On social media, hardline propagandist Ali Akbar Raefipour dismissed the remarks as “fallacy, nonsense, and paradoxical.”

US-educated ultraconservative academic Foad Izadi argued that Pezeshkian’s comments made renewed strikes on Iran more likely. “US officials will think another attack on Iran will not be costly,” he posted on X.

Not all reactions were hostile, however.

Some supporters argued his remarks reflected a realistic approach in a tense period, pointing to the recent reshuffle that saw veteran conservative Ali Larijani return to Iran’s national security council as one of the two supreme leader representatives.

“Possibly, Larijani has got Khamenei’s full backing for negotiations with Washington, and Pezeshkian is trying to make the idea of negotiations less costly in the political circles inside Iran,” reformist outlet Rouydad24 quoted economist Sadegh Alhosseini as saying on Monday.

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Majority of Iranians dissatisfied with economic policies, poll finds

Aug 11, 2025, 22:00 GMT+1

A vast majority of Iranians are dissatisfied with the government's economic policies, according to a poll by Iran's leading economic newspaper Donya-ye Eqtesad, as costs of living soar and the value of the Iranian currency slips.

“Of respondents, 89% rated their agreement with the government’s economic policies as ‘low’ or ‘very low.’ 72% expressed dissatisfaction or strong dissatisfaction with government policies,” according to the poll results published on Monday.

The poll also indicated that the economy is the top priority for 53% of respondents, while 36% prioritized foreign policy.

The poll consisted of three questions, conducted via the paper’s Telegram channel with an average of 2,130 respondents per question.

Iran is currently grappling with water shortages and widespread power outages amid high summer temperatures, while also dealing with recovery efforts following a 12-day war with Israel and its aftermath.

Sanctions, corruption and economic mismanagement have contributed to widespread economic hardship and market instability as Iran's currency the rial has lost over 90% of its value since US sanctions were reimposed in 2018.

Tehran faces another challenge from European countries Germany, France and the United Kingdom who may be poised to trigger United Nations sanctions per the so-called the snapback mechanism.

Snapback refers to a clause in UN Security Council Resolution 2231, which endorsed the a 2015 deal on Iran's disputed nuclear program dubbed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

Under Resolution 2231, any party to the accord can file a complaint accusing Iran of non-compliance. If no agreement is reached within 30 days to maintain sanctions relief, all previous UN sanctions would automatically “snap back,” including arms embargoes, cargo inspections and missile restrictions.

Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence issued secret guidance on Monday, warning ministries and major companies to prepare for the likely return of punishing United Nations sanctions, documents reviewed by Iran International show.

Iran’s state-run English-language newspaper Tehran Times reported on August 8 that Tehran and Washington may start Norway-mediated indirect talks in August, covering Iran’s nuclear program and compensation demands over its June war with Israel and the United States.

Washington has called Iran’s compensation demand “ridiculous,” urging Tehran to stop funding militias and its nuclear program.

Trump's Caucasian corridor sparks threats, doubt in Tehran

Aug 11, 2025, 21:29 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee

Iran’s hardliners have vowed retaliation against a US-brokered deal last week which would link two parts of Azerbaijan via a corridor through Armenia, while President Masoud Pezeshkian’s government has so far offered only a muted response.

The planned route — formally named the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” — will run through Armenia’s Syunik region, linking Azerbaijan to its Nakhchivan exclave and on to Turkey and Europe.

By bypassing Iranian territory, it undercuts Tehran’s land link between Azerbaijan and Europe and gives Washington a new foothold in the South Caucasus.

‘Graveyard for US allies’

“This passage will not become a gateway for Trump’s mercenaries — it will become their graveyard,” Ali Akbar Velayati, senior adviser to supreme leader Ali Khamenei, told the Revolutionary Guards-linked Tasnim, warning about a potential NATO presence in the region.

Ali Bagheri-Kani, a member of the Foreign Ministry’s Strategic Council, told state television Iran would not remain silent “whether Russia joined in the action or not.”

The editor of the Iranian Kayhan newspaper who is appointed by Iran's Supreme Leader labeled the Baku–Yerevan deal a betrayal.

“(Tehran) must use the levers at its disposal to confront them,” Hossein Shariatmadari wrote in an editorial.

“As a first step, it can ban the passage of US and Israeli vessels through the Strait of Hormuz.”

Cautious government line

Tehran’s official position, outlined in an August 9 Foreign Ministry statement, welcomed the peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan without mentioning the Zangezur Corridor.

It warned of “any form of foreign intervention … that could undermine the security and lasting stability of the region” and reiterated support for regional initiatives such as the 3+3 mechanism with Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, Turkey and Russia.

It remains the government’s only reaction so far.

Voices in-between

“If the intention is diplomacy, then things should not have reached this point in the first place,” prominent reformist journalist Ahmad Zeydabadi wrote on his Telegram channel. “But if the intention is a military solution, it is impossible to enter into conflict at every point with different parties.”

Zeydabadi also questioned claims the corridor would remove Iran’s control over the Iran–Armenia border or block access to Armenia.

Caucasus expert Ehsan Movahedian said the gap between the administration’s caution and the aggressive line put out by the supreme leader's adviser “(speaks) volumes, including why we have fallen behind in developments in the Caucasus!”

Iran should seek a role in the American consortium with 99-year development rights over the corridor, he suggested.

But economist Sadegh Alhosseini challenged the bleak takes.

“This corridor is harmful first to Armenia and then to Russia, while the damage to Iran is considerably less than to those two,” he posted on X.

“The extent of the harm has been greatly exaggerated. Not every regional development is designed for the geopolitical strangulation of Iran! Iran is not the center of the world, friends!”

Sanctions are coming: Iranian intel warns ministries, firms on 'snapback'

Aug 11, 2025, 19:20 GMT+1

Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence issued secret guidance warning ministries and major companies to prepare for the likely return of punishing United Nations sanctions, documents reviewed by Iran International show.

The Intelligence Ministry said that the return of so-called snapback sanctions will include a ban on arms sales, freezing of assets and foreign currency accounts of companies abroad.

“Re-sanctioning of legal and natural persons active in industries such as oil, petrochemicals, banking, shipping, insurance and sensitive technologies will be activated,” the document said.

Potential fallout could roil markets and exacerbate unemployment and deepen popular discontent, the ministry added.

“Severe currency fluctuations, reduced purchasing power, increased unemployment, layoffs and heightened social discontent are to be expected,” the Intelligence Ministry said.

The snapback mechanism is part of UN Security Council Resolution 2231, which endorsed a 2015 deal over Iran's disputed nuclear program called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).

Under Resolution 2231, any party to the accord can file a complaint accusing Iran of non-compliance. If no agreement is reached within 30 days to maintain sanctions relief, all previous UN sanctions would automatically “snap back,” including arms embargoes, cargo inspections and missile restrictions.

Iran’s Intelligence Ministry also pointed to potential alternative partners for the Islamic Republic to evade the sanctions.

“Identify alternative suppliers in countries like China, Russia, Iraq, etc., which will be less affected by sanctions,” the statement said.

The guidance also warned of renewed threats to national security including cyberattacks on critical infrastructure.

“Increased targeted cyberattacks on economic infrastructure, focusing on supply chains, automation, and financial management, as well as efforts by foreign intelligence services to infiltrate through third parties, contractors, or organizational applications, will be some of the threats,” the statement said.

France, the United Kingdom and Germany told Iran they would restore UN sanctions unless it reopened talks on its nuclear program immediately and produced concrete results by the end of August.

Iranian diplomates last met representatives of the three European countries in Istanbul on July 25.

Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei described the meeting with Britain, France and Germany as a “test of realism” for the E3 powers, calling it a chance for them to correct past positions.

Pilgrimage splurge ignites fury in blacked-out Iran

Aug 11, 2025, 15:30 GMT+1
•
Maryam Sinaiee

The Islamic Republic’s massive investment in this year’s Arbaeen pilgrimage to Iraqi holy cities is stirring fresh outrage at home, where Iranians face spiraling inflation, unpaid wages and hours-long power and water outages.

As cities suffer blackouts and food rots in fridges, many ask why the state can swiftly and efficiently mobilize for a symbolic cross-border march—yet fails to provide basic services to its own people.

“Mr. President, if in these circumstances all preparations—from storing water, bread, and food to providing electricity, internet, foreign currency and transport—can be arranged for Arbaeen through jihadi management, then please do the same for non-Arbaeen matters,” wrote Islamic studies scholar Mahmoud Nejati-Hosseini in a widely shared post on X.

Economist Sadegh Alhosseini, a professor at Tehran University, slammed Tehran Municipality for spending millions on the pilgrimage while failing to pay sanitation workers and contract staff.

“The pilgrims of Imam Hussein do not need your services. If you have money, pay your workers’ wages,” he wrote on X.

Billions spent

Each year, authorities allocate vast sums to Arbaeen—covering transport, healthcare, logistics, and religious outreach.

This year’s effort includes $67 million in subsidies, 1,550 tons of rice, meat, and sugar for religious camp (mawkib) organizers and support from virtually every branch of government—from the Revolutionary Guards to municipal bus fleets.

Perks for pilgrims include free transportation, meals, lodging, mobile services and special leave for civil servants.

“Where does the money come from?” one user asked on X. “From my pocket and the rest of the people—people who, in 60°C heat, lose power for at least two hours every day.”

What is Arbaeen?

The Arbaeen pilgrimage marks the end of the 40-day mourning period after Ashura, commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Hussain ibn Ali, the Prophet Muhammad’s grandson, in 680 AD.

The procession draws millions of Shia pilgrims, many of whom walk long distances to the shrines of Karbala and Najaf.

Tehran has heavily promoted the event in recent years. Iranian participation has surged from 40,000 in 2010 to around 3.6 million in both 2023 and 2024, according to official figures. Over 2.8 million have already registered for this year’s walk, set for August 14.

Shrine officials say more than 20 million people take part—a figure that likely includes local attendees and repeat visitors during the extended mourning period.

Soft power

Officials frame Arbaeen as more than a religious duty—it’s a strategic asset. With Saudi Arabia hosting the Hajj, Iran has cast Arbaeen as a rival spectacle.

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has called the pilgrimage a “combat rehearsal” and a show of ideological unity.

The mawkibs lining the route provide rest, food and shelter, but also serve as platforms for political messaging and solidarity with groups like Iraq’s Hashd al-Shaabi militia.

Above all, the Arbaeen appears to have become an opportunity for the Islamic Republic to reinforce its vision of transnational Shia identity and resistance.

From outcast to ascendant: Larijani's rise raises eyebrows

Aug 10, 2025, 18:30 GMT+1
•
Behrouz Turani

Ali Larijani’s return to the heart of Iran’s security establishment has triggered renewed scrutiny of the country’s opaque power structures and sharp questions about the consistency of its political vetting.

Just four years after being barred from running for president, Larijani is now the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) and, more crucially, the Supreme Leader’s personal representative on the body.

The dual appointment has sparked sharp reactions across the political spectrum, including renewed focus on the Guardian Council, which twice disqualified him from presidential races, most recently in 2024.

“The serious question on the public’s mind is: how can someone the Guardian Council deemed unqualified to run for president now be appointed to one of the most sensitive national security posts?” Tejarat News, a leading economic outlet, asked in an editorial.

Arbitrary decisions

The Guardian Council, a 12-member unelected body dominated by conservatives, plays a central role in shaping Iran’s political landscape.

Half its members are clerics appointed by the Supreme Leader; the rest are jurists nominated by the judiciary and approved by parliament.

Beyond reviewing legislation, the Council wields sweeping authority over elections—most notably through its opaque candidate vetting process.

Chaired for 33 years by the 98-year-old Ahmad Jannati, it routinely disqualifies candidates on vague grounds like “insufficient commitment to Islam” or lack of loyalty to the system.

Vocal academic and commentator Sadegh Zibakalam addressed the contradiction in a pointed post on X:

“Can we ask the esteemed Guardian Council whether this Dr. Ali Larijani, just appointed as SNSC secretary, is not the same one you disqualified? What are your criteria for qualification?”

Power struggle

The sheer breadth of reactions—from hardline outlets to reformist critics—reflects how sensitive the appointment is, and how contested internal power struggles remain despite Khamenei’s central authority.

Among conservatives, Farhikhtegan welcomed the move:

“Veteran Larijani’s return to the center of national security after 20 years invites optimism, especially early on, given his rhetorical skill and foreign policy experience. This could mark the restoration of Iran’s national interests from a moderate standpoint.”

The IRGC-affiliated Javan highlighted his ability to bring order and coherence to a fragmented security apparatus.

Even Vatan-e Emrooz, aligned with the hardline Paydari Front, praised the appointment as a chance to instill discipline in decision-making.

Real change, or is it?

Reformist daily Etemad called for clarity and results:

“Will there be substantive change in Iran’s foreign policy, regional diplomacy, and security strategy? Can Larijani foster rational engagement with the world?”

The centrist Ham Mihan remained unconvinced, pointing to his record as nuclear negotiator: “The future of his European engagement remains clouded in ambiguity.”

Khorasan, aligned with Majles Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, warned that Larijani’s allies could use the post to build political capital ahead of upcoming elections.

The reformist outlet Rouydad24 summed up the prevailing uncertainty: "It remains unclear whether Larijani’s return signals a genuine push for reform or simply a reshuffling to reinforce the status quo," a Thursday commentary read.