Four independent labor organizations described the Rajaei port explosion and the deaths of dock workers as a “crime,” rejecting official framing of the blast as an accident.
“The explosion at Bandar Rajaei and the massacre of workers is not an accident; it is a crime,” they said in a joint statement.
The groups, including the Haft Tappeh Sugarcane Workers' Syndicate and the Retirees’ Union of Khuzestan, warned that “crime and lies have become state policy in Iran.”
"Each of these crimes reveals the depth of the catastrophes brought about by the current rulers, who, resorting to every form of shamelessness — even setting groups of people on fire — have used them as stepping stones for their insatiable thirst for power and domination over Iran’s political and economic geography. Feeding off the blood of the people, they seek to ascend to the seats of premiership and ministerial office, driven by an unquenchable greed for money and wealth, which makes these acts particularly significant."

The United States imposed sanctions Tuesday on a network it accused of supplying ballistic missile propellant ingredients to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, escalating its pressure campaign against Tehran.
“Iran's aggressive development of missiles and other weapons capabilities imperils the safety of the United States and our partners,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a statement.
"It also destabilizes the Middle East, and violates the global agreements intended to prevent the proliferation of these technologies. To achieve peace through strength, Treasury will continue to take all available measures to deprive Iran's access to resources necessary to advance its missile program."
The Treasury targeted six entities and six individuals, including five China-based companies and one Iranian firm. It said the network procured sodium perchlorate and dioctyl sebacate from China, chemicals used in solid propellant rocket motors commonly found in ballistic missiles.
According to reports, the explosion at Rajaei Port was caused by shipments of sodium perchlorate that had recently been transported from China to Iran and stored at the site.

Initial findings show no foreign involvement in the Rajaei port explosion, said Iran’s parliamentary national security spokesman.
“Based on reports so far, the blast had no external origin,” Ebrahim Rezaei said after a committee briefing on Tuesday.
He added that investigators found evidence of “negligence and failure to observe safety protocols” at the site, which requires further expert review.
Ahmad Ajam and Sara Fallahi, lawmakers sent by the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, submitted their preliminary report to parliament on Tuesday after visiting the port.

The US Treasury Department on Tuesday designated six entities and six individuals based in Iran and China for their role in a network procuring ballistic missile propellant ingredients - sodium perchlorate and dioctyl sebacate - on behalf of Iran’s IRGC from China to Iran.
Sodium perchlorate is what the New York Times said was the likely cause of the deadly explosion in Bandar Abbas on Saturday, citing a source close to the Revolutionary Guard.
“Iran’s aggressive development of missiles and other weapons capabilities imperils the safety of the US and our partners,” said Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent.
“It also destabilizes the Middle East, and violates the global agreements intended to prevent the proliferation of these technologies. To achieve peace through strength, Treasury will continue to take all available measures to deprive Iran’s access to resources necessary to advance its missile program.”
Initial findings show no foreign involvement in the Rajaei port explosion, said Iran’s parliamentary national security spokesman.
“Based on reports so far, the blast had no external origin,” Ebrahim Rezaei said after a committee briefing on Tuesday.
He added that investigators found evidence of “negligence and failure to observe safety protocols” at the site, which requires further expert review.
Ahmad Ajam and Sara Fallahi, lawmakers sent by the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, submitted their preliminary report to parliament on Tuesday after visiting the port.


Talks with Tehran aim to deprive Washington's Middle East nemesis of a nuclear weapon, but time will tell whether US President Donald Trump will carry through on his threat to bomb the country.
After a stunning political comeback landed Trump back in the White House for a second term, the outcome of a typically Trumpian, bumpy dash for a deal is not yet known after 100 days.
Trump’s new term began with a reinstatement of his so-called “maximum pressure” campaign, this time aggressively targeting Iran’s energy and oil sectors, including Chinese importers and independent refineries processing Iranian crude.
Since Trump took office, the Iranian currency initially plummeted by 80,000 rials to the dollar. However, it has recently clawed back some value due to growing optimism around nuclear negotiations between Washington and Tehran.
This diplomatic track is being pursued alongside potential military contingency plans, with Trump repeatedly warning that if a deal is not reached, "there will be bombing."
"It will be bombing the likes of which they have never seen before," the president said during an NBC news interview in March.
Signs of military posturing are evident: strategic bombers positioned near Iran in Diego Garcia, a surge of US aircraft in Doha, and intensified strikes against the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen—all serving as a backdrop to the ongoing negotiations.
'Rushed, inconsistent'
Trump’s Iran policy so far appears muscular but inconsistent, said retired Major General Andrew Fox in an interview with Iran International.
“Trump is showing military flex but he’s not using all the leverage America has,” Fox argued. “In terms of timing, the Iranian economy was already struggling. That could have been leveraged further. We saw the rial jump 20% as soon as the talks were announced—so potentially a negotiating lever was given away too easily."
Fox described Trump's approach so far as "mixed, rushed, and inconsistent."
“We know Trump values a deal above all else. He’s super anti-war. He doesn't like using the military lever of governance,” said Fox, now a research fellow at the Henry Jackson Society.
One reason for the haste may be Trump’s self-imposed 60-day deadline for reaching a nuclear agreement with Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei. Trump issued this timeline in a letter delivered shortly after taking office, news outlet Axios reported.
Speed versus Substance
Holly Dagres, creator of the newsletter The Iranist and a senior fellow at The Washington Institute, warned that Trump's fast-track approach risks overlooking critical issues like human rights.
“This hurry might meet the 60-day deadline Trump wants,” Dagres said. “But it risks rushing past key issues that deserve deeper negotiation.”
Dagres suggested human rights benchmarks could be tied to sanctions relief—crediting Nobel laureate Narges Mohammadi and other activists inside Iran for pushing to include human rights in the nuclear discussions.
Mixed Messaging from Trump's Team
Adding to the confusion, US Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff recently issued conflicting public statements on the goal of the negotiations.
On April 14, Witkoff told Fox News the US might accept Iran maintaining uranium enrichment at those permitted by a 2015 nuclear deal (3.67%) under stringent verification.
Yet a day later he insisted on social media that a "Trump deal" must require Iran to "stop and eliminate" its enrichment program entirely.
The apparent contradiction could be strategic, according to Behnam Ben Taleblu, senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD).
“The president actually likes to cultivate uncertainty,” Taleblu said, arguing it is too early to fully grade Trump’s Iran policy—or even predict where it is headed.
Ironically, Taleblu added, Trump’s biggest success so far has gone largely unrecognized.
“The most successful element of the Iran policy has not been celebrated even by die-hard politicos who believe in the president, and that is getting the Islamic Republic of Iran under Ali Khamenei to engage, be it directly or indirectly, with the Trump administration."
Early Days, Uncertain Outcomes
For Iranian-American policy director Cameron Khansarinia of the National Union for Democracy in Iran (NUFDI), it’s simply too soon to judge.
Trump’s unpredictable style, Khansarinia said, makes it difficult to forecast his next move. But he praised Trump’s first-term Iran policy as the most effective against Iran's theocratic rulers —and sees similar themes emerging now.
“I think he does have a strategy. It just hasn't had time yet to bear fruit," Khansarinia said. "For a successful Iran strategy, all he has to do is go back to his first term and implement those policies.”
President Trump’s unpredictable style arguably may have forced Tehran into negotiations—an achievement or a mishap depending on where one sits on the political spectrum.
His current Iran policy reflects a strategic shift from his first term, combining diplomatic overtures with overt threats of attack, the wisdom of which remains unclear.






