Iran executes Kurdish prisoner accused of membership in PKK

The director of exploration at the National Iranian Oil Company said earlier this month that offshore oil and gas exploration in Iranian waters will resume after a six-year halt.

"For the first time in five years, we’ve signed a contract for an offshore exploration rig," Mohiyeddin Jafari said, according to the oil ministry's news website Shana. "We hope to begin operations in shared maritime border zones by 2025."

The announcement came as Saudi Arabia announced the discovery of 14 oil and gas fields and the UAE signed a $1.6 billion offshore exploration deal.

Jafari cited a “shortage of rigs” as the reason for the suspension of offshore oil and gas exploration.

However, reports from OPEC and Iran’s Ministry of Petroleum indicate that the number of drilling rigs in the country has remained stable over the past years, hovering around 160 units, with about 20 of them dedicated to offshore drilling.

Nonetheless, it remains unclear how many of Iran’s drilling rigs—most of which were built by Western companies decades ago—are still operational. In 2020, Reuters reported that Iran was struggling to obtain spare parts for Western-made rigs, and that a quarter of its drilling platforms were out of service, with many others operating only partially.

That same year, the state-run IRNA news agency quoted oil officials as saying that 85% of Iranian rigs required repairs and parts replacement.

Another major challenge for Iran is the lack of financial resources. The Iranian Parliament’s Research Center previously reported that annual investment in the country’s upstream oil and gas sector (exploration and production) has halved following US sanctions imposed in 2018, dropping to around $3 billion, compared to the previous years.

For comparison on a larger scale, annual investment was around $19 billion in the 2000s during the peak of Western companies’ involvement in Iran’s oil and gas projects.

Exploration and drilling costs are significantly higher offshore than onshore and given the government's financial constraints, developing offshore fields has not been a priority.

Caspian Sea
Iran is the only Caspian littoral state with no offshore oil or gas production, and Iran’s only seismic vessel in the Caspian Sea, named Pajvak, was destroyed in a fire in 2005.

The country’s only offshore drilling platform in the Caspian, named Amirkabir, was moved to Iran’s Caspian coast a decade ago for maintenance and remains inactive, just a few kilometers from shore. As such, the discovery of new gas fields in the Caspian waters appears impossible for Iran.

Ilham Shaban, head of the Caspian Oil Studies Center in Azerbaijan, told Iran International that last year Azerbaijan produced 580,000 barrels per day (bpd), Kazakhstan 350,000 bpd, Turkmenistan and Russia both than 100,000 bpd from their respective offshore Caspian fields.

Azerbaijan also produced around 50 billion cubic meters of gas from the Caspian Sea, half of which was exported—mainly to Europe. Russia produces annually 1.5 bcm gas from the Caspian fields.

Meanwhile, Arab countries south of Iran have increasingly participated in developing the Caspian offshore projects of the three Turkic states. Over the past two decades, the UAE’s Dragon Oil has invested $10 billion in Turkmenistan’s offshore sector and extended its investment agreement until 2035.

In 2023, Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) purchased a 30% stake in the Absheron gas field—Caspian’s second-largest offshore gas field—in Azerbaijani waters, becoming a partner with France’s TotalEnergies in the project.

Just last month, Kazakhstan’s national oil company KazMunayGas officially invited ADNOC to invest in its offshore fields.

Southern waters of Iran

Unlike the Caspian Sea, where Iran has no joint fields with neighbors, all of Iran’s southern neighbors share offshore oil and gas fields with Iran. Not only do they produce several times more than Iran, but they are also rapidly developing these joint projects.

Iran currently extracts only 35,000 bpd from the joint Forouzan (Marjan) field with Saudi Arabia. In contrast, Saudi Arabia produces 18 times more than Iran from this field and has signed contracts worth $12 billion with foreign companies to increase daily oil output to 800,000 barrels and gas production to 70 million cubic meters within the next four years.

Another joint field between Iran and Saudi Arabia is Farzad (Hasbah), from which Iran has no production. Saudi Arabia began producing 30 million cubic meters of gas daily from this field in 2013 and plans to increase it to 75 million cubic meters in coming years.

Saudi Arabia and Kuwait also share two other fields with Iran: Esfandiar (Lulu) and Arash (Dorra). They have already developed the former and signed agreements to develop the latter. While Iran claims a share in these fields, both Arab nations have rejected that claim.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait have developed two more shared fields—Khafji and Wafra—with a combined production capacity of 500,000 bpd over the past decade. The mentioned fields are not joint with Iran.

Iran and the United Arab Emirates share the Salman and Nosrat fields. Each country produces around 50,000 bpd from Salman, but the UAE extracts 20 times more than Iran from Nosrat—about 65,000 bpd.

Iran also shares the Hengam field with Oman, with both countries producing around 10,000 bpd each.

However, the most important offshore field for Iran is South Pars—the largest gas field in the world—which it shares with Qatar. Qatar began gas production from the field a decade earlier than Iran and has so far extracted 2.5 times more gas than Iran from what it calls the North Dome.

While the Iranian portion of the field entered its second half of life last year—meaning production will decline by 10 billion cubic meters each year—Qatar has signed $29 billion in new contracts with international companies to boost its gas production from the field by 65% by the end of this decade.

The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace canceled a planned virtual conversation with Iran’s foreign minister at its nuclear policy conference after his team requested changes limiting questions from the moderator and audience, the organization said on Saturday.

“The Iranian foreign minister’s team subsequently requested changes to the previously agreed format. These changes would have severely curtailed the ability of the moderator and the audience to question the foreign minister. As a result, Carnegie decided not to proceed with the session,” said Katelynn Vogt, Vice President for Communications at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, in a statement sent to Iran International.

The event was organized by the Carnegie Nuclear Policy Program, one of the Endowment’s leading initiatives focused on arms control, deterrence, and nuclear diplomacy.

The dispute comes as Araghchi is due to lead the third round of talks with Washington after US President Donald Trump warned Iran to come to a nuclear deal of face military attack.

"This cancellation follows the organizer’s decision to alter the format of the keynote into a debate," Iran's permanent mission to the United Nations in New York said.

The foreign minister has seldom given interviews or other public discussions with Western media outlets or organizations about Iran's disputed nuclear program.

Shortly after the cancelation, Araghchi released the text of a speech he had prepared for the event.

Tehran denies seeking a bomb but Western countries and Israel doubt their intentions.

Araghchi’s invitation to the event had sparked backlash on social media from several US politicians as well as Iranian activists and diaspora members.

Former Florida Governor Jeb Bush and current head of advocacy group United Against a Nuclear Iran criticized the invitation, saying that American think tanks should not “normalize officials from a regime which has plotted to kill President Trump and other Americans.”

Iranian-British activist and actress Nazanin Boniadi said that the unexplained death in custody of a German-Iranian activist on death row last year represented state repression that should disqualify officials' from public discussions in the West.

"Jamshid Sharmahd, a US resident, was kidnapped, tortured, and executed by the Islamic Republic—the latest example of the regime Araghchi represents. When US academic and policy institutions platform such officials while ignoring their crimes, they discredit themselves," she said in a post on X.

However, a source at Carnegie said Monday the cancellation was not due to pressure from any foreign government or lobbying group.

"Iran requested a last-minute change to the Q&A session and sought to cancel the Q&A session, but Carnegie did not accept the change," the source said.

Elected in 2013, the Argentine-born pontiff entered the Vatican just as Hassan Rouhani, a relative moderate within Iran’s ruling establishment, rose to power. Their political overlap raised hopes of better ties.

Rouhani visited the Vatican in January 2016, meeting Pope Francis behind closed doors. According to Vatican readouts, the Pope welcomed Iran’s nuclear deal with world powers and urged its leaders to help defeat terrorism and extremism in the region.

Despite maintaining diplomatic relations, Francis never visited Iran, even as he made rare and symbolic trips to nearby Muslim-majority states. In 2021, he traveled to Iraq, where he held an unprecedented meeting with Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani in Najaf, which Iran’s state broadcaster ignored entirely.

Tensions between the progress ideals of the Vatican under Francis and Tehran’s actions sharpened after the death of Mahsa Jina Amini in morality police custody in 2022 sparked the nationwide "Woman, Life, Freedom" protests.

Francis condemned the use of the death penalty on demonstrators during his annual address to the Vatican diplomatic corps in January 2022.

"The death penalty cannot be employed for a purported state justice, since it does not constitute a deterrent nor render justice to victims but only fuels the thirst for vengeance." ​

Weeks earlier, during his Christmas Day address, he called for reconciliation in Iran, grouping it with other regions experiencing conflict. He prayed for a lasting truce in Yemen and for reconciliation in Myanmar and Iran, highlighting the need for peace and dialogue there.

Francis also responded to escalating regional tensions. After the US killing of Qassem Soleimani in 2020 and Iran’s retaliatory strikes in Iraq, he called for restraint and dialogue, warning against war’s destructive toll.

“I call on all sides to keep the flame of dialogue and self-restraint alight and ward off the shadow of hostility,” he said in his annual State of the World address to diplomats in January 2020.

Even as he criticized Iran’s human rights record, Francis remained a point of contact for Iranian leaders. In November 2023, late President Ebrahim Raisi spoke with the Pope by phone, expressing appreciation for his call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza following Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel.

Francis repeated that plea during his final Easter address, delivered weeks before his death.

“Teachers across the country will not allow schools to be turned into military barracks,” reads a statement by the Coordination Council of Iranian Teachers' Trade Associations, which condemned the move on Monday.

The pact, signed between police chief Ahmadreza Radan and Education Minister Alireza Kazemi, grants security forces a role in shaping school policies in the name of cultural guidance.

“This is a degrading and alarming stance,” said Mohammad Habibi, the council’s spokesperson. He criticized the minister for calling himself a soldier of police and accused him of surrendering civilian education to military influence.

“The education ministry is not the minister’s private estate or a parade ground for security forces,” Habibi said.

Teachers and rights groups say the agreement violates students’ rights and threatens the safety of schools. “Any intrusion of police into the secure space of schools is blatantly illegal, repressive, and a violation of both student and teacher rights,” Habibi added.

Kazemi defended the agreement in a televised ceremony, calling hijab “one of today’s challenges that requires cultural efforts.”

Radan, who is under US, EU, and Canadian sanctions for human rights abuses, said cooperation between police and schools must go further.

"While this memorandum of understanding and the militarization and policing of schools is very painful and aims to exert pressure on our teenagers, it also reflects a kind of acknowledgment of the regime's failure in enforcing compulsory hijab," Roghayeh Rezaei, a member of the IranWire website editorial team said in an interview with Iran International.

The Council’s warning follows mounting pressure on students and teachers since the 2022 protests that were sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody. The young woman was arrested for not wearing her hijab properly.

In recent months, pro-government outlets such as Tasnim News have called for surveillance cameras in classrooms and tighter controls on student behavior.

“Schools are no place for batons or coercive forces. Don't entrust cultural matters to colonels. The consequences will come back to haunt you,” Morteza Beheshti Langroudi, a teacher and former political prisoner wrote on X.

The Iranian government said in January that the implementation of the controversial hijab law has been postponed due to the potential unrest it may spark.

The law was due to impose harsh penalties on women and girls who defy veiling requirements, including fines, prison terms, flogging and even the death penalty.

Many women now refuse to wear the compulsory head covering, long tunics, and trousers as dictated by the country's Shariah law. They are also now often seen singing and dancing in public in defiance of the religious establishment.

Alma, which focuses on threats to northern Israel, assessed that Iran and Hezbollah want to reactivate the original land corridor stretching from the Iraqi border in eastern Syria to the Lebanese border in the west.

The institute highlighted recent reports of a potential halving of US troop numbers in Syria and the commencement of some withdrawals, such as from the Conico base in the Deir ez-Zor region.

Alma argued that this US drawdown would likely further embolden Iran and Hezbollah to solidify their foothold in the Syrian part of the corridor.

Even before a possible US withdrawal from the al-Tanf region in southeastern Syria, the analysis warned that a reduced American presence could lead to a significant shortening of the corridor route towards Lebanon and southern Syria.

This would potentially re-expose the Daraa province, bordering Israel, to increased Iranian influence and presence, Alma concluded.

Reports indicate a significant withdrawal of Iranian forces and allied militias from Syria after President Bashar Assad's removal in December, with personnel moving to Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon, abandoning military equipment.

While the dominant Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which toppled the Assad government, is expected to block an immediate IRGC return due to past support for Assad, the Wall Street Journal cited US officials as saying that Iran will eventually attempt to re-establish its regional presence.

At its height, Iran maintained a substantial military infrastructure in Syria.

According to the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, Iran had as many as 10,000 IRGC forces in Syria at its peak during Syria's civil war, and another 5,000 army troops, plus thousands more Iranian-backed militia forces.

Their research showed that Iran held 55 military bases in Syria in addition to 515 military points.

The Saudi-owned Al Majalla news site reported similar numbers, citing that Syria had 830 foreign military sites under Assad, 70% of which belonged to Iran, 570.