Pezeshkian’s dilemma: Stand his ground or step down?

In recent days, Pezeshkian has expressed growing frustration over obstacles confronting his administration.

Four issues stand out in particular: the formal adoption of the hijab law, negotiations with the United States, the impeachment of Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati, and the forced removal of Strategic Deputy Mohammad-Javad Zarif from the cabinet.

Despite emphasizing "unity," Pezeshkian seems increasingly doubtful that his so-called "unity government"—which includes only four reformist ministers, while key positions remain dominated by hardliners—can deliver on his campaign promises.

Meanwhile, his political opponents, deeply entrenched in other centers of power, continue to undermine his efforts.

Signs of defiance

On Wednesday, Pezeshkian's executive deputy, Mohammad-Jafar Ghaempanah, made a striking statement on platform X, saying that Pezeshkian would continue to refuse to enforce the hijab law, despite pressure from his hardline rivals.

The law, dormant since receiving final approval from the ultra-hardline Guardian Council in mid-September, was suspended by the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) amid concerns of public backlash.

Such a decision could not have occurred without the approval of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

The President’s refusal to sign and formally announce the controversial law is therefore largely symbolic—Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf retains the power to activate it whenever Khamenei’s appointees in the SNSC and other power centers decide to shift their stance.

While Pezeshkian had previously voiced opposition to the hijab law, his recent statements have been more assertive. “I will not stand against the people,” Ghaempanah quoted him as saying.

Beyond this, Pezeshkian has increasingly distanced himself from policies dictated by higher authorities, including Khamenei.

Last week, he openly admitted that direct negotiations with the US to lift sanctions—something he supports—are not taking place because Khamenei opposes them.

This marks the first time an Iranian president, while still in office, has directly and publicly acknowledged a major policy disagreement with Khamenei on such a critical national issue.

Equally telling was Pezeshkian's reaction to the hardline-dominated Parliament’s impeachment and removal of the economy minister on March 2.

Under the law, the President has three months to propose a replacement to Parliament. However, ultra-hardline lawmaker Meysam Zohourian claims Pezeshkian stated as he left Parliament that he would not nominate a successor.

Additionally, over the past six months, Pezeshkian has resisted opponents' demands to remove his Strategic Deputy Mohammad-Javad Zarif from the cabinet, recognizing Zarif's potential significance in negotiations with the United States.

On March 2, after meeting with Chief Justice Mohseni-Ejei, Zarif posted on X that the Chief Justice advised him to return to academia to prevent further pressure on the government.

Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani later confirmed that Zarif had submitted his resignation, but President Pezeshkian has not yet approved it.

Is Pezeshkian's resignation on the table?

During his campaign, Pezeshkian stated he would step down if he found himself unable to deliver on his promises.

Some reformist politicians and activists are now calling on him to follow through, arguing that if he cannot enact meaningful reforms, he should resign.

Others believe it is too early to surrender and are urging him to continue.

Meanwhile, ultra-hardliners have intensified their calls for his resignation, citing Iran’s worsening economic crisis.

Pezeshkian has not publicly addressed the possibility of resignation.

A source close to his office told Iran International Pezeshkian is feeling shaken after losing Hemmati and Zarif from his cabinet, but also said he is not a quitter.

However, emboldened by the 200 votes of no confidence against Economy Minister Hemmati—more than two-thirds of all lawmakers—ultra-hardliners could push to impeach Pezeshkian if he grows more defiant.

Under the Islamic Republic's Constitution, the president can be impeached if one-third of lawmakers support the motion. If two-thirds vote against him, he can be removed from office.

Only once in the past 46 years has Parliament taken this route—when it ousted Abolhassan Banisadr, the Islamic Republic’s first president, in 1981.