A US appeals court has overturned a $1.68 billion judgment against Iran’s central bank, angering the families of US Marine Corps personnel killed in the 1983 Iran-backed truck bombing in Beirut.
The 11-year-old case was won by families of the bombing which killed 241 US personnel at a barracks in Beirut but the 2nd US Circuit Court of Appeals in Manhattan threw it out in a 3-0 decision citing issues around state law.
The panel also rejected a claim that a 2019 federal law designed to make it easier to seize Iranian assets held outside the United States waived the central bank's (Bank Markazi) sovereign immunity.
That law "neither abrogates Bank Markazi's jurisdictional immunity nor provides an independent grant of subject matter jurisdiction," Circuit Judge Robert Sack wrote.
It has now been referred back to US District Judge Loretta Preska in Manhattan to address state law questions, including whether the case can proceed at all in Bank Markazi's absence.
The case, Peterson et al v. Bank Markazi et al, accused Iran of giving material support for the Hezbollah attack by seizing bond proceeds held by Luxembourg-based Clearstream Banking in a blocked account on Bank Markazi's behalf.
However, Bank Markazi claimed immunity under the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act, which generally shields foreign governments from liability in US courts.
The case has been a years-long battle for families seeking justice. Plaintiffs successfully sued Bank Markazi in 2013 to partially satisfy a $2.65 billion default judgment they had won against Iran in 2007. Another judge dismissed the case in 2015, but the 2nd Circuit revived it in 2017.
Then in 2020, the US Supreme Court ordered a fresh review in light of the 2019 law, which then-President Donald Trump signed as part of the National Defense Authorization Act.
The plaintiffs have said they hold more than $4 billion of judgments against Iran and have been unable to collect for decades.
(Reporting by Reuters)
“Important and straightforward talks with DG @rafaelmgrossi this morning,” Araghchi wrote on X, referencing his meeting with IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi on Thursday. “Differences can be resolved through cooperation and dialogue. We agreed to proceed with courage and goodwill.” However, he added that Iran would not negotiate “under pressure and intimidation.”
President Masoud Pezeshkian said on Thursday that Tehran was prepared to cooperate with the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA to clear up "alleged ambiguities about the peaceful nuclear activity of our country", Iranian state media reported.
Grossi’s visit to Tehran, part of a high-level effort to de-escalate nuclear tensions, also included talks with Mohammad Eslami, head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization. IAEA's Board of Governors will hold its quarterly meeting next week, where Iran can face a resolution criticizing its lack of cooperation with the UN watchdog.
In a joint press conference, Eslami warned of immediate reciprocal actions should the IAEA Board of Governors issue a resolution targeting Iran's nuclear program.
“We have repeatedly announced that any interventionist resolution regarding Iran’s nuclear affairs will undoubtedly face immediate actions,” Eslami said. “We will not allow pressure to dictate the course of our peaceful nuclear activities.”
Later on Thursday, Tehran media reported that Grossi will visit nuclear facilities in Fordow and Natanz tomorrow. According to these reports, he described this visit as very important, emphasizing that it could provide him with an accurate assessment of the quality and scale of Iran's nuclear program. This marks a shift in his approach, as he did not inspect any facilities during his previous visit to Iran.
Reuters quoted some diplomats on Tuesday that European powers are advocating for a new resolution against Iran at the UN atomic watchdog's board meeting next week to pressure Tehran over its lack of cooperation.
"Our concerns about Iranian nuclear activity are well known. It feels a natural point to be asking the IAEA for a thorough report. That then provides a basis to deal with Iranian behavior," a European diplomat said.
Eslami; however, described Iran’s engagement with the IAEA as continuous and constructive. “These actions tarnish the credibility of international organizations,” he said. “The United Nations and its affiliated bodies must fulfill their responsibilities in addressing these issues.”
Grossi, addressing transparency and oversight concerns, touched upon the importance of IAEA verification, which he said requires a clear framework. He said there must be a comprehensive basis for the activities, including a detailed list of nuclear materials and clarity on capabilities, adding that this applies not only to Iran but to all nations.
On the potential for military attacks on nuclear facilities, Grossi warned of severe consequences. “Such attacks could have very serious radiological consequences,” he said. “The IAEA and its member states have previously expressed strong opposition to such actions.”
Grossi emphasized the need for tangible progress, saying, “It is indispensable to get at this point in time to some concrete, tangible, visible results that will indicate that
this joint work is improving the situation and bringing clarification to things and in a general sense is moving us away from conflict and ultimately war.”
Grossi’s visit follows his earlier warnings that diplomatic avenues to resolve Iran’s nuclear activities are narrowing. Speaking at the COP29 climate summit in Baku, he urged Iran to enhance transparency, saying, “We need to find ways of giving the agency more visibility.”
The visit comes after weeks of tensions in the region, particularly between Iran and Israel. Ahead of his trip, Grossi told AFP, “The Iranian administration must understand that the international situation is becoming increasingly tense and that it is imperative to find ways to reach diplomatic solutions.”
Meanwhile, Israel has expressed alarm over Iran’s nuclear progress, as has the international community. Donald Trump's election has added further uncertainty to the future of the 2015 nuclear deal. Trump’s 2018 withdrawal from the accord unraveled its framework, despite subsequent efforts to revive it. Grossi has described the accord as an “empty shell,” calling for a new framework to address the current challenges.
The 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), brokered between Iran and six world powers, sought to limit Iran’s nuclear activities in exchange for sanctions relief. However, in the absence of a binding agreement, Iran’s nuclear program has significantly expanded.
According to the IAEA, Tehran’s enriched uranium stockpile has grown, with enrichment levels reaching 60%—approaching the 90% threshold required for weaponization. While Tehran denies any intention of developing nuclear weapons, the expanded program has fueled international concerns.
As more names trickle in, it has become apparent that this next administration will not follow the Biden-Harris policy of lighter sanctions and relying mainly on diplomatic overtures with Iran. More likely pressure will increase on Tehran to extract concessions and reach a more comprehensive deal on both Iran's nuclear program and its regional adventures.
The president-elect has appointed Elise Stefanik as the US Ambassador to the United Nations. As the representative of New York's 21st Congressional District and chair of the House Republican Conference, her role will focus on key UN issues, particularly regarding Israel and Iran. Stefanik has been a strong supporter of Israel and Trump's "peace through strength" policy, and recently endorsed a return to Trump's maximum pressure strategy against Iran.
Mike Waltz, the man tapped to be Trump’s national security adviser in the next White House, is known as a hardliner when it comes to the Islamic Republic. The president-elect confirmed Waltz appointment in a statement Tuesday.
The Republican congressman and former special forces soldier has echoed the president-elect's calls to “finish the job” in defeating Iran-backed Hamas. He believes in maximum pressure against Iran and ensuring that Iran does not become a nuclear power.
He also has a history of opposing President Joe Biden’s policies towards Iran.
Trump also announced Senator Marco Rubio as his choice for Secretary of State, though his appointment is yet to be confirmed. Rubio, known for his hawkish views on Iran, criticized Biden's policies and has called for Israel to be free to attack Iran’s nuclear program. These appointments suggest the new administration will take a tougher stance on Iran than the Biden administration, with Senate approval needed for many of these positions.
Maximum Pressure is Back
Trump's picks for his Cabinet and his national security team seem to align with a return to maximum pressure, said Gregory Brew, an Iran analyst with the Eurasia Group.
“My expectation was that Trump 2.0 would look a lot like Trump 1.0, a return to maximum pressure and an emphasis on economic and diplomatic pressure on the regime, particularly through sanctions and regional isolation,” said Brew.
Diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions would likely be on the top of Trump’s agenda according to Brew.
Trump is remembered for his aggressive policy and actions toward the Islamic Republic, including the killing of General Qasem Soleimani, the tearing up of the JSPOA also known as the Iran nuclear deal and his general maximum pressure campaign against the Ayatollahs.
There are also credible reports from US intelligence that the Iranian government tried to kill Trump, and IRGC-linked telegram channels have allegedly posted death threats against him.
The Justice Department on November 8 disclosed an Iranian murder-for-hire plot to kill Trump. The Afghan national linked to Iran was charged with planning to assassinate the president-elect.
Brew believes Trump could take those attempts on his life personally and that could factor into his decision-making process when it comes to Iran.
But that doesn’t mean talking and dialogue are out of the equation.
Alex Vatanka, the founding Director of the Iran Program at the Middle East Institute, said Trump is willing to create dialogue with Iran.
In 2019, Trump tasked then-Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to mediate talks in a trip to Iran that turned into a failed mediation effort. He was the first Japanese leader to visit Iran in four decades, but it ended in a rebuff when Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei told Abe, "No negotiations with Trump."
Vatanka said now it’s time for Iran to decide on talks and if they revert to their behavior like they did with Abe, then it won’t be to Iran’s advantage.
The tough team that Trump appears to be forming has Vatanka saying that the “writing is on the wall” for Iran.
“The writing is on the wall. Iran needs to find a way to compromise with the United States on all sorts of issues and probably needs to compromise with Israel.”
Will there be war?
If talks fail, the looming question is whether there will be war with Iran. The answer might not lie in the key figures Trump has chosen to lead his administration, but rather in the ones he has chosen not to appoint.
Vatanka told Iran International that Trump’s refusal to appoint former Ambassador Nikki Haley, or former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, may be due to his desire not to go to war.
Trump has repeatedly said and most notably after his election victory that he doesn’t want to start a war, but rather wants to end wars.
“I’m not going to start a war, I’m going to end wars,” said Trump during his victory speech in Florida on November 6.
Both Haley and Pompeo are known as neo-conservatives that promote US global military dominance.
“I don't know what the outcome of that policy debate inside the Trump team, but if the reports are true, then clearly the ones who call themselves against Forever wars, at least as of right now," said Vatanka.
But external factors, particularly the back-and-forth missile strikes between Iran and Israel, and Iran’s nuclear ambitions, could change all of that.
“Whether he wants to go to war against Iran, whether he's willing to use military action, I think that will depend on context and circumstances, particularly the circumstances surrounding Iran's nuclear program and the potential for additional military confrontations between Iran and Israel like we've seen this year with the missile strikes,” said Brew.
Some Iranian-Americans like Trump supporter and founder of “Iranians for Trump” Sarah Raviani are overjoyed with the reported cabinet choices.
As an activist pushing to influence US policy towards Iran like the work Raviani did with NUFDI and other advocates to push through the MAHSA Act, she sees the team forming around Trump as one that is sympathetic towards the Iranian people, and tough on the Islamic Republic establishment.
“These are all individuals who have a very unique understanding of the threat that is the regime in Iran,” she told Iran International.
While there are a lot of unknowns, Trump – fresh off an election win earlier this month – is emboldening a new administration that is pro-Israel and hawkish on Iran.
Sanjari’s death has drawn attention to the plight of detainees and the worsening human rights situation in the country.
In the early hours of November 13, Sanjari posted an ultimatum on X, demanding the release of four political prisoners: Fatemeh Sepehri, Nasrin Shakarami, Toomaj Salehi, and Arsham Rezaei.
“If by 7 PM today... their release is not announced on the Judiciary’s news website, I will end my life in protest against Khamenei's dictatorship and his accomplices,” he wrote.
After that deadline passed, Sanjari shared an image of himself atop a bridge in Tehran, captioning: “It is 7 PM Hafez Bridge.”
Hours later, his death was confirmed by sources in Iran, including activist Hossein Ronaghi, who wrote on X: “We did everything we could, since last night, and today, but Kianoosh passed.”
A legacy of resistance
Sanjari was a vocal critic of Iran's clerical rulers and an advocate for democracy and human rights. He had been repeatedly arrested and imprisoned by Iranian authorities between 1999 and 2007 for his activism.
During his time behind bars, Sanjari endured solitary confinement and what he described as white torture, or psychological abuse through sensory deprivation that left deep emotional scars.
Sanjari fled Iran in 2007, receiving asylum in Norway with the assistance of Amnesty International. While abroad, he worked with rights group the Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation and the Iran Human Rights Documentation Center and later was a journalist for Voice of America in Washington DC.
However, his commitment to family brought him back to Iran in 2016, where he was swiftly arrested and sentenced to 11 years in prison on politically motivated charges.
During his time in custody, Sanjari was subjected to repeated abuse, including forced hospitalization in psychiatric facilities and electric shock treatments. He once recounted: "At night the nurse injected me with something that locked my jaw... When I woke up, my hands and feet were chained to the bed."
Sanjari’s death comes amid ongoing campaigns by Iranian authorities to smother dissent. Since the Women, Life, Freedom protests ignited by the death of Mahsa Amini in September 2022, Iran executed at least nine protesters involved in the unrest and sentenced dozens more to death.
A call to action
The individuals Sanjari championed in his final message are key dissidents in Iran.
Fatemeh Sepehri, a political prisoner and vocal critic of the Islamic Republic, was imprisoned despite her heart condition. Nasrin Shakarami, mother of slain protester Nika Shakarami, was recently detained without clear charges. Toomaj Salehi, a rapper known for his protest songs, received the death penalty before the sentence was commuted to imprisonment. Arsham Rezaei, another political activist remains detained in Evin Prison..
Sanjari’s death echoes the suicide of 38-year-old Mohammad Moradi in Lyon, France, who drowned himself in December 2022 to draw international attention to Iran’s crackdown on human rights.
Before his death, Moradi recorded a video pleading for global support: “We want to change our country to a democratic country with equal rights for women and men.”
Human rights organizations have long criticized Iran’s judiciary for its lack of transparency and reliance on coerced confessions.
Domestically, the Islamic Republic's strategy of silencing dissent through intimidation and harsh penalties has fueled anger and resistance.
Sanjari's final words posed a rebuke to Iranians and the international community alike: “Perhaps it will be a wake-up call! Long live Iran.”
The charges against them remain contested, however, due to a lack of clear evidence linking them to the crime.
Babak Paknia, a lawyer, confirmed via social media on Wednesday that the 13th branch of Tehran’s Criminal Court had sentenced Milad Armoon, Alireza Kafa’i, Amir Mohammad Khosh Eqbal, Navid Najaran, Hossein Nemati, and Alireza Barmarzpournak to death under "qisas al-nafs"—the Islamic retributive death penalty. Paknia, who represents several of the accused, noted that the verdict is subject to appeal.
The case, tied to the broader unrest that followed the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody, involves accusations that the defendants participated in the killing of Basij member Arman Aliverdi in the Shahrak-e Ekbatan neighborhood in western Tehran.
Security forces arrested 50 young residents of the neighborhood. The judiciary of the Islamic Republic then issued indictments for 14 individuals in connection with the case, among whom four defendants were charged with "moharebeh" (waging war against God).
Other charges in the case include "participation in premeditated murder" and "disruption of public order and peace."
A video circulating on social media showed Aliverdi, bleeding from the face and head as a protester kicked him. Authorities claim protesters also stabbed him, but the defendants have denied the allegations, and residents of Ekbatan say that Aliverdi had been trying to infiltrate the protests.
The controversy surrounding the case is compounded by reports of torture and mistreatment of the accused, with human rights organizations expressing concern over the fairness of the trial.
The incidents in Ekbatan unfolded amid the protests, during which, the Basij, along with plainclothes security officers, targeted demonstrators. In Ekbatan, Basij forces frequently shot at windows, raided apartment lobbies, and destroyed property to intimidate residents.
The Basij, ever-present in the area, maintain four bases within the five-square-kilometer complex which houses 15,500 apartments and a population of approximately 45,000.
Government forces frequently deployed tear gas and fired pellets at protesters chanting "Death to Khamenei" and "Down with the Dictator" each night and carried out arrests both inside and outside the buildings.
Prominent political activist Hossein Ronaghi, in reaction to the sentences, wrote on X: "The issuance of death sentences for the Ekbatan children signifies the transformation of the judiciary into a weapon for silencing opponents and protesters."
The case also highlights the wider pattern of measures by Iranian authorities to suppress dissent. Human rights groups have pointed out that the trials of protest-related defendants often suffer from a lack of transparency and fail to adhere to international legal standards.
So far, nine individuals have been executed in connection with the protests, with several others facing similar charges. These include Mohammad Mehdi Karami, Mohammad Ghobado, Mohsen Shekari, and Majidreza Rahnavard, among others.
As Iran’s judiciary continues to crack down on protesters, concerns over human rights violations and the fairness of trials have escalated.
