Political activist and human rights advocate
Recent explosions of Hezbollah communication devices in Lebanon and Syria have triggered a complex web of reactions among Iranians, whose government is the primary backer of the armed group.
On September 18 and 19, a suspected Israeli cyber operation caused the explosion of thousands of pagers and hand-held radios used by Hezbollah fighters, resulting in scores of deaths and injuries to more than 3,000 people. Hezbollah immediately blamed Israel and vowed "unique and bloody vengeance" in response. While this event stirred international attention, many Iranians showed a striking lack of compassion toward Hezbollah members. This reaction is deeply rooted in Iran’s internal strife, its government’s ties with Hezbollah, and the brutal repression of dissent in Iran.
Hezbollah, a Tehran-backed militant group based in Lebanon, has long been an extension of the Islamic Republic of Iran's influence in the region. Since its inception in the early 1980s, Hezbollah has received financial, military, and logistical support from the Iranian regime, becoming a key player in Tehran's regional strategy. Many Iranians view Hezbollah as a tool used by the Islamic Republic to pursue its geopolitical interests at the expense of both Iranian citizens and other populations in the Middle East.
Hezbollah's actions have gone beyond mere regional politics. The group has been involved in suppressing dissent in Lebanon, Syria, and even Iran. During the Syrian civil war, Hezbollah fighters actively supported the Assad regime, known for mass atrocities and human rights violations. Furthermore, many Iranians believe that Hezbollah operatives aided in suppressing protests in Iran, particularly during the 2022 "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. The crackdown on these protests involved violent tactics, including shooting protesters with shotgun birdshots, resulting in numerous injuries and deaths.
The "Woman, Life, Freedom" protests in 2022 were a pivotal moment in Iran, marking widespread dissent against the regime's oppressive policies, especially those targeting women. Iranian security forces used brutal measures to suppress the movement. According to reports, at least 138 individuals lost their eyesight. In addition to this brutal repression, at least 46 children were killed by Iranian security forces during the protests, targeted by birdshots, long-range precision weapons, and baton blows. Many protesters, including these children, were systematically targeted, with security forces aiming for their eyes and faces, leaving deep psychological scars on the Iranian populace.
Considering this history, many Iranians perceive Hezbollah's recent losses not as an isolated tragedy but as part of a broader narrative of retribution against those who have supported or enacted state violence. Social media reactions have been telling in this regard. For example, one commenter sarcastically remarked about the Hezbollah members blinded by the pager explosion, recalling how the regime had blinded numerous protesters in Iran without showing any compassion. The underlying message is that those who have caused pain and suffering are now experiencing a taste of their own medicine.
This sentiment is further fueled by the violent tactics historically employed by the Islamic Republic and groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. Suicide bombings, the use of ambulances and civilian planes to transport weapons and militants, kidnappings, and even the use of rape as a weapon of war have been present in the militant Islamist strategy. For decades, these brutal methods have been used to instill fear and maintain control, both within Iran and across the region. Many Iranians now view Hezbollah's current troubles as a form of reckoning—a reflection of the very violence they once helped spread.
There is also a prevailing sentiment among Iranians that sympathy for groups like Hezbollah and Hamas is a "first world luxury." For many in the West, the complex dynamics of the Middle East can often be viewed from a distance, focusing on geopolitical analysis rather than the personal and collective traumas experienced by those directly affected. Many Iranians argue that Western observers sometimes fail to grasp the extent of the suffering caused by these groups, which are not just abstract entities but have actively participated in violence, oppression, and the perpetuation of authoritarian rule.
Iranians also see hypocrisy in Islamists, who wish to impose ancient, draconian laws while simultaneously benefiting from modern technology. These groups preach ideologies that advocate practices from 1,400 years ago, such as polygamy, public flogging, and amputations. Yet, they readily use advanced communication devices, military technology, and even social media to further their cause. Many Iranians argue that those who wish to live by medieval laws and values should not have access to modern technology. This perceived contradiction further fuels the disdain towards groups like Hezbollah, as they are seen as using the advancements of the modern world to perpetuate archaic and violent ideologies.
The difference in reactions between those who have lived through the violence and those who view it from afar is stark. For many in the Iranian diaspora, celebrating the recent attacks on Hezbollah is seen as a celebration of resistance against a network of oppression that has inflicted pain and loss on their communities. They draw a clear distinction between this and the October 7 attack on Israel, which targeted civilians and involved acts of terror against civilians.
The recent pager explosions and the subsequent reactions from Iranians highlight the complexity of violence and justice in the Middle East. While any loss of life is tragic, the reactions among Iranians are shaped by decades of oppression, personal losses, and a struggle for freedom against a political system that they believe leverages groups like Hezbollah to maintain its grip on power.
For many Iranians, Hezbollah's suffering is viewed as poetic justice. It serves as a grim reminder that the tools of violence and repression can turn against those who wield them. The lack of compassion is not from a disregard for human life but from a deep-seated desire for justice and accountability for the countless acts of brutality inflicted upon them.
Opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily the views of Iran International
Sarah Raviani, the spokesperson for the group’s English division, is the opposite of what a stereotypical traditional Trump supporter, often portrayed in mainstream media, would be.
She’s young, from generation Z, educated, and comes from an immigrant background. Her family fleeing shortly after the clerical establishment, once led by Ruhollah Khomeini, ousted the monarchy and created the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979.
“We think that President Trump is the best option for our community to support the policies that we want and we need for freedom and democracy in Iran and for protecting and safeguarding American national security,” said Raviani.
The issue of national security and policies implemented during the first Trump administration on Iran such as pulling out of the JCPOA nuclear deal, the listing of the IRGC as a terrorist entity and the assassination of Gen. Qassem Soleimani, proved to Raviani that the former President was tough on the Iranian regime.
National security and international relations analyst Shayan Sami’i said the Biden-Harris administration's policies towards Iran have tilted some Iranian Americans towards Trump.
“Disillusionment with the Democrats, a perception of strength by Trump, and the perception of an “appeasement” approach toward the Islamic Republic by the Biden Administration makes Iranian Americans gravitate toward Trump.”
The Biden administration issued a waiver in 2023 for international banks to transfer $6 billion in frozen Iranian money from South Korea to Qatar, in exchange for the release of five American citizens detained in Iran. As part of the deal, the administration also agreed to release five Iranian citizens in the United States. Republicans point to the fact that the Oct. 7 attack on Israel, launched by Iran-backed Hamas, happened shortly after the release of these funds.
The mentality of the Iranian American voter is also influenced by the history of the Islamic Revolution.
The Islamic Revolution happened under during the Jimmy Carter's Democratic administration, meaning Iranians historically have been weary of the Democrats, said Sami’i.
“The 1979 Islamic Revolution occurred during a Democratic party administration and Democratic administrations were harsher on Iran’s monarchy, making Republicans appear as their true friends. However, Republican presidents, just like their Democratic counterparts, have provided nothing more than lip service and back-pedaling. They have stated good and heart-warming words but no concrete action.”
The “tough” guy image of Trump is often seen as big win for the Iranian Americans whose way of thinking is valuing toughness. This especially applies to those who fled at the start of the revolution, having great fear of the Islamic Republic, Sami’i told Iran International.
Nicole Namdar, a 35-year-old business advisor from Great Neck, NY, now living in Florida, is Iranian Jewish and she’s voting for Trump.
She’s a liberal when it comes to social issues, but she often feels the Democrats respond ‘too little, too late’ and are ‘blind to the realities’ of the threat of the Islamic Republic. Namdar said as a Jewish person, who lost her homeland of Iran to the revolution, she said she needs to feel safe in the land her family came to seek refuge.
“I don’t want to live through an Islamic revolution that my family lost their country to,” said Namdar.
The Foundation for Defense of Democracies' Behnam Ben Taleblu, said while no group is a monolith, the social impact of Trump’s Iran policy has earned him support from a wide verity of Iranian Americans.
“The breaking of taboos to include vocally and vociferously supporting the Iranian people in every iteration of their protests against the regime, killing Iran’s chief terrorist Qassem Soleimani, and unilaterally reimposing sanctions on the regime to rob it of revenues has earned the former president deep support from broad swaths of the Iranian American community,” said Taleblu.
While political engagement and participation is key in any election, Iranian Americans are not going to have significant impact on the outcome of the election, according to Arash Ghafouri , the CEO of Statis Consulting.
In the previous election, according to a poll by Zogby Research Services, 87 percent of Iranian Americans were registered to vote in the US. Of that number, 52 percent are Democrats and 8 percent are Republicans. But 40 percent identify themselves as either independent or have no party affiliation.
Raviani believes that has shifted significantly in the past 4 years and gave her own personal experience of an Iranian American activist who went from being a staunch Democrat, a never Trump voter, to now being one of his biggest supporters.
“I see a lot of the community has shifted into becoming single issue voters, and this happened as a result of the uprising in 2022 in Iran. And like I said, a lot of Iranian Americans identified as either apolitical Democratic voters or independents.”
Click on YouTube Iran Internationa's Podcast playlist to watch the full episode of this week's special edition of Eye for Iran from Washington DC.
The decision was announced by the Farabi Cinema Foundation, which revealed that the film, directed by Babak Khajeh Pasha, had been chosen after a 10-day deliberation process by a nine-member selection committee.
According to official government news website IRNA, the selection committee, tasked with reviewing eligible films for the Oscars, voted in favor of "In the Arms of the Tree" over two other finalists. The nine-member panel included figures in Iranian cinema, such as Narges Abyar, Shabnam Moghaddami, Fereydoun Jeyrani, Ali Dehkordi, and others.
"In the Arms of the Tree" tells the story of Kimia and Farid, a couple married for twelve years, whose life crisis shatters their children’s world. The main roles in this Iranian drama are played by Maral Baniadam, Javad Ghamati, and Rouhollah Zamani.
The submission follows a process overseen by the Farabi Cinema Foundation, which operates under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture. The Foundation is responsible for ensuring that the chosen film complies with the guidelines imposed by the government, including adherence to censorship laws and the mandatory hijab requirement for actresses. These regulations have long governed the selection process for Iran’s official Academy Award submissions.
While "In the Arms of the Tree" will represent Iran at the Oscars, a parallel trend within the country's film industry has gained momentum in recent years, particularly following the nationwide Women, Life, Freedom protests. The protests, which began in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini, have sparked a new wave of dissent within various cultural and artistic spheres, including cinema.
Iranian filmmakers, many of whom operate outside the official framework, have turned to producing films that violate the Islamic Republic's censorship laws, particularly its restrictions on the portrayal of women and political dissent. These films, while barred from official submission to the Oscars, have found success at other international film festivals and in global cinema markets, highlighting the growing divide between state-approved and underground cinema in Iran.
Some of the most notable examples include "Critical Zone" by Ali Ahmadzadeh, which presents a raw and unfiltered depiction of contemporary life in Tehran. The film, which focuses on a drug dealer's interactions with marginalized individuals, was produced without government approval and violates mandatory hijab rules. Despite this, it won the Best Film Award at the Locarno Film Festival in 2023.
Similarly, "Terrestrial Verses", directed by Ali Asgari and Alireza Khatami, offers a direct critique of the societal pressures faced by Iranian citizens. The episodic film premiered at the 2023 Cannes Film Festival and has since gained a wide audience in Europe, with over 100,000 viewers in France alone and total sales nearing $900,000.
Iran’s underground filmmakers have increasingly used cinema as a tool for resistance against government cultural restrictions. Many of these films explicitly challenge the censorship laws that govern official submissions, focusing on themes of repression, personal freedom, and social dissent.
For instance, Navid Mihan-Doost’s "Café" portrays the life of a filmmaker who is banned from working by the authorities. Shot while Mihan-Doost was on temporary leave from prison, the film provides a look at the challenges faced by critical artists in Iran. Café has been screened at various international festivals despite its director being under surveillance, and its portrayal of state censorship has drawn international acclaim.
Films such as "Dark Matter" by Karim Lakzadeh and "My Favorite Cake" by Maryam Moghaddam and Behtash Sanaeiha have further pushed the boundaries of Iran’s underground cinema.
"Dark Matter" tells the story of a young woman’s decision to remove her hijab during a film shoot, symbolizing the growing youth culture of defiance against government-imposed restrictions. Meanwhile, "My Favorite Cake," which focuses on a woman seeking to break free from the constraints of her monotonous life, gained international attention for its success at the 2023 Berlin Film Festival despite violating the country’s hijab laws.