Democratic candidate Harris vows to be tough against Iran

The selection was made by an independent jury of experts appointed by German Films, who said they reviewed 13 films before making their decision.

“It is an outstanding work by one of the great directors of world cinema and someone who has found refuge in Germany from state despotism in Iran. We are very happy to know that Rasoulof is safe in our country. And we are delighted that he will be representing Germany at the Oscars in 2025," German Films said in their statement.

This marks the first time an Iranian film has been put forward by Germany for the Oscars.

The film delves into the protest movements in Iran following the death of Mahsa Amini in 2022. Amini's death in custody, allegedly for not adhering to hijab, ignited widespread protests across Iran.

The exiled dissident filmmaker fled Iran by foot through rugged mountainous terrain after receiving an eight-year prison sentence, a flogging, a fine, and property confiscation for “signing statements and making films and documentaries,” which the Iranian authorities called “collusion to commit a crime against the country's security.”

Earlier this year, the exiled director’s film won a special jury prize at Cannes.

Alongside dissident actress Setareh Maleki, who stars in the film, Rasoulof attended the film’s premiere at the Cannes Film Festival shortly after fleeing Iran.

While Germany hails Rasoulof’s work as “outstanding,” Iran's Culture Minister Mohammad Mehdi Esmaeili had condemned the production and distribution of his film, labeling it "illegal."

As the film garners global attention, it not only shines a light on the struggles of the Iranian people but also underscores the importance of cinematic expression as a tool for resistance.

In November 2019, nationwide protests erupted in Iran after the government unexpectedly tripled fuel prices overnight, sparking widespread outrage across the country. What began as an economic protest quickly escalated into an anti-government movement, with demonstrators in 29 provinces and hundreds of cities voicing their frustration with the Islamic regime.

The government responded by deploying security forces who used live ammunition to suppress the crowds. The crackdown resulted in the deaths of at least 1,500 people, according to Reuters, and a nationwide internet blackout to prevent the world from seeing the full extent of the killings.

In addition, at least 6,000 deaths with "unknown causes" were recorded in November 2019.

These 89 individuals, arrested during the nationwide protests were initially released on bail. Now, years later, they have been dragged back into the judicial system and found guilty by the first investigative branch of the Public and Revolutionary Prosecutor's Office in Likak. Their so-called crimes are "Disrupting public order," "destroying public property," and other charges that the Islamic Republic conveniently uses to silence dissent.

The timing of the sentencing raises questions: why, after five years of silence, has the judiciary suddenly decided to punish the group now, especially amid growing rumors of a potential fuel price hike under President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration?

It is likely that the government wants to send a message: if you dare to challenge the Islamic Republic, you will be hunted down, no matter how much time has passed. The HRANA news agency has published the identities and details of these individuals, a public shaming apparently intended to instill fear in those who might consider taking to the streets in the future.

In Likak, under the direction of Mehrdad Soltani, the judiciary assembled its case against these 89 citizens. The so-called evidence included police videos, intelligence reports, and confessions extracted under dubious circumstances—confessions that are more likely the result of torture than voluntary admissions of guilt.

As Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have reported, the Islamic Republic's use of force during the protests was unprecedented, with the highest death tolls in marginalized regions such as the impoverished towns in Tehran, Khuzestan, and Kermanshah.

Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, sealed the fate of these protesters with his infamous speech on November 17, 2019. Labeling the demonstrators as "thugs, counter-revolutionaries, and enemies," Khamenei not only justified but ordered the crackdown that followed. The message was according to many unambiguous: challenge the regime, and you will be crushed.

Human rights groups and activists have long accused the Islamic Republic’s for using fear as a tool of governance. With the internet blackout and the mass arrests of 2019 still fresh in the collective memory, possibly Tehran is now demonstrating that it has no qualms about revisiting the past to punish those who dared to rise against it.

The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency or HRANA’s reports suggest that while these people have been convicted, others involved in the same case have been exonerated or had their charges dropped. It is also believed that the selective prosecution serves the Islamic Republic’s broader strategy of creating uncertainty and fear—if you protest, your fate will be decided not by the law, but by the whims of those in power.

Between July 22 and August 21 alone, at least 106 individuals were executed in Iranian prisons, a reminder of the brutal measures the Islamic government has used for four decades despite international criticism, reported the US-based HRANA news agency on Thursday.

“The total number of reported violations indicates a concerning situation and underscores the urgency for the international community and the Iranian government to address these issues,” added HRANA.

The executions have not been limited to those convicted of violent crimes. Many of those hanged were political prisoners, protesters, and individuals from ethnic and religious minority groups, often sentenced in sham trials that lack transparency and due process, the report said.

Among those executed were Kamran Sheikh, a Sunni Kurdish prisoner, and Reza Rasaei, a protester arrested during the 2022 nationwide uprising.

Adding to the toll, at least 10 new death sentences were handed down, and 10 existing ones were confirmed by the judiciary during this period.

HRANA has highlighted how this culture of state-sanctioned violence only fuels further aggression and resentment, laying the groundwork for a cycle of violence that threatens the very fabric of the nation.

According to reports from human rights organizations, since the beginning of the current Iranian year (March 21) more than 388 people, including 15 women, have been hanged in Iranian prisons.

The surge in executions has not gone unnoticed by the international community. Human rights organizations, including the Oslo-based Iran Human Rights, have raised alarms over the unprecedented pace of executions. They have called for immediate international intervention to halt what they describe as the "killing machine" of the Iranian government.

On August 12, four international human rights organizations appealed to the United Nations, urging the establishment of an independent investigative mechanism to hold the Islamic Republic accountable for its actions.

Despite these calls for action, the Islamic Republic remains defiant, continuing its executions unabated. Political prisoners like Golrokh Iraee, who remains incarcerated in Evin Prison, have spoken out against the death penalty, urging a united front against the regime's use of capital punishment as a tool of oppression. Iraee’s plea for the abolition of the death penalty echoes the sentiments of many Iranians who see no hope for a better future under the current system.

In the decisive parliamentary Wednesday vote, Araghchi secured a substantial majority, garnering 247 out of 288 votes from the attending members. Thus, he was appointed the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Masoud Pezeshkian's cabinet.

Iran's official news agency, IRNA, on Thursday lauded Araghchi's approval and said his involvement in key diplomatic affairs across the last three administrations "has given him a unique opportunity to create new prospects for the nation's interests while avoiding past mistakes."

However both by his own admission and other evidence, his views do not diverge from the ideology of Iran's Revolutionary Guard.

Araghchi himself expressed his agenda under the banner of a "Comprehensive, Active, and Impactful Foreign Policy," emphasizing his commitment to "laying the groundwork for enhancing the wealth, power, and stature of the Islamic Republic of Iran."

It's not only Iranian media that have taken note of Araghchi; some Western outlets have also described him with terms such as “seasoned pragmatic diplomat” and “strong negotiator.”

Araghchi’s reputation largely derives from his close association with Mohammad Javad Zarif, the former Iranian Foreign Minister and widely regarded architect of the 2015 nuclear deal, later abandoned by then-US President Donald Trump in 2018, leading to the reimposition of sanctions on Iran. Zarif earned a reputation as a diplomat who delivered results.

Beneath the surface of the narratives surrounding Araghchi

Araghchi's diplomatic career extends well beyond his association with the moderate administration of Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Zarif. His involvement in nuclear negotiations dates back to the era of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Additionally, though he served as Zarif's deputy, Araghchi also played a role in the hardline administration of President Ebrahim Raisi, advising Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, who was killed in a helicopter crash in May along with Raisi.

Regarding the 2015 nuclear deal, Araghchi remarked in an interview in the same year published on Iran's state broadcaster IRIB's website that the nuclear program amounted to a "significant economic loss."

This interview was promptly removed from the site within hours of its publication, with IRIB attributing the deletion to a "misinterpretation error."

Reportedly, during a meeting with IRIB managers, Araghchi said that if Iran were to pursue nuclear weapons, the agreement with global powers would be deemed a "complete failure." Conversely, he asserted that if the focus remained on legitimate international enrichment and a wholly peaceful nuclear program, the agreement would be considered a "great victory."

He further emphasized, "If we were to evaluate our nuclear program solely by economic criteria, it would be a significant loss."

Araghchi was a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s. While seeking parliamentary approval, he emphasized that his worldview remained steadfast since his IRGC days and made a pointed effort to distance himself from Zarif.

He asserted, "I consider myself a soldier of the Supreme Leader and have strived to remain steadfast on this path," underlining his loyalty. Additionally, he distanced himself from the so-called "New York gang," referring to Zarif and his associates, who Ali Khamenei disfavors.

During his parliamentary address, Pezeshkian disclosed that Araghchi had undergone personal vetting and received Khamenei's direct endorsement.

As part of his plans, Araghchi has also reiterated his commitment to bolstering Iran's "Axis of Resistance," the term used by Iran to describe its regional proxies. He stated emphatically, "We will not lose our way, and unwavering, continuous, and comprehensive support for the cause of Palestine and the Lebanese Resistance, as well as other resistance movements fighting against the oppressive and criminal policies of the Zionist regime, will be at the top of our agenda."

In alignment with Khamenei’s strategic vision, Araghchi also underscored his full support for strengthening alliances with China and Russia. He affirmed, "China, Russia, and other countries that have stood by us during difficult times and sanctions, as well as emerging powers and new arenas in Africa, Latin America, and East Asia, will be priorities in the foreign relations of the fourteenth government.”

Araghchi’s reach may extend beyond the IRGC to the elite Quds Force

In June 2016, statements made by Javad Mansouri, one of the founding commanders of the IRGC and a former Iranian ambassador to China, garnered significant attention due to his claims regarding Araghchi's alleged affiliation with the IRGC's extraterritorial Quds Force.

During an interview with the publication Ramz-e Obour, Mansouri asserted that Araghchi and several other Iranian diplomats were indeed members of the Quds Force. When the interviewer inquired whether Araghchi had a background in the Quds Force and was introduced to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by the force, Mansouri unequivocally responded that they were "in fact members of that body."

Following the release of this interview, the state-funded IRNA news agency published a report citing an "informed source" within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who firmly denied Araghchi's involvement with the Quds Force. This unnamed source called Mansouri's assertions "unfounded and contrary to reality."

It remains to be seen how a figure whose public image is pragmatic yet deeply influenced by the IRGC can steer the Islamic Republic through the current sanctions—sanctions imposed due to the very policies he has vowed to uphold.

A member of the Parliament's Judicial Committee, Mousa Ghazanfarabadi, told the media Tuesday that the new hijab bill stuck in the legislative process, had been modified and sent to the constitutional watchdog, the Guardian Council, for approval.

If approved, the Pezeshkian administration will no longer be able to abide by its promise to voters to withdraw the bill.

Pezeshkian promised voters to stop hijab patrols and violence against women for failing to meet compulsory hijab standards. Still, Police officials insist that implementation of their hijab enforcement initiative, known as the Nour (Light) Plan, is to continue.

Under the Plan, thousands of businesses have been shut down for failing to ensure compliance among their customers. Similarly, tens of thousands of cars have been impounded for carrying unveiled passengers.

The Guardian Council's approval will also put Pezeshkian in a difficult position because he is legally required to sign and officially communicate the legislation to government bodies within five days of its approval.

In the past, presidents like Hassan Rouhani, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and others have repeatedly refused to acknowledge or enact legislation they opposed. In such instances, the responsibility to act falls to the Speaker of Parliament.

When Rouhani refused to sign the controversial "Strategic Action Law to Lift Sanctions" that the Parliament passed in December 2020, Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf took almost immediate action. This time he may be reluctant to do so despite his previous support of the bill. He seems to be forming an alliance with Pezeshkian against ultra-hardliners of the Paydari (Steadfastness) Party in the Parliament.

Bringing up the hijab bill amid a hectic time for the Parliament and the president, both elected this year, is quite significant, an activist close to Pezeshkian's campaign told Iran International.

The bill passed by the previous parliament was last returned to the legislature to resolve an issues the Guardian Council had discovered in the bill "based on Sharia and the Constitution" in late March. No further action was reported by the Parliament until Tuesday.

"The legislation has been shuffling back and forth between the Parliament and the Council for nearly a year. The Council has no fundamental objections to the bill, but they delayed its approval because they feared the backlash from the public while Raisi was in office. They have no such qualms about Pezeshkian," he said.

The legislation has been shuffling back and forth between them and the Council since September 2023. Very few issues that kept the Council from approving the bill have ever been disclosed to the public.

Ghazanfarabadi revealed on Tuesday that the last time the Council sent the legislation back to Parliament for amendments, it objected to a clause that made the police responsible for arresting women who refused to cooperate or identify themselves when stopped by hijab enforcers. The legislation has since been amended to require a prosecutor's arrest order, in accordance with the Council's demands, he added.

The bill, originally drawn up by the government of President Ebrahim Raisi in July 2023, is officially titled "Protection of Family Through Promotion of Hijab and Chastity Culture" and passed the parliament in September 2023.

Lawmakers mandated the Judicial Committee to review and amend the bill behind closed doors instead of putting it to debate on the floor which modified the bill to make it much tougher than originally intended and costly to the government.

Deducting cash fines immediately from hijab offenders' bank accounts when their "infringement" is recorded by traffic cameras, without their consent, is one of the most controversial parts of the legislation.