MEK Leaders May Be Extradited to Iran, Judiciary Official Says

This lack of engagement is alarming as Iran prepares to elect a new president following the unexpected death of President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash last month.

The survey, which involved face-to-face interviews with 4,545 citizens on June 18 and 19, shows just 26.8% of the population watched the televised debate, focusing on the pressing economic issues facing the nation.

Moreover, the ISPA's findings reveal a broader trend of apathy towards election news, with 35% of respondents indicating they do not follow election news at all, and others only minimally engaged.

The disengagement comes amid calls for an election boycott. Many citizens, as well as various political and civil society groups, have expressed discontent with the Islamic Republic's track record on human rights and democratic governance. The pressure for boycotting the election is compounded by the Iranian government's repressive measures against free speech and the dissemination of independent survey results.

Authorities have previously issued threats against those releasing or publishing survey data that portrays the government negatively, warning of legal repercussions and potentially criminal charges.

Participation in elections plummeted in the 2020 parliamentary race when hundreds of regime insiders deemed too moderate were banned from competing. As a result, hardliners swept the majority of seats amid a voter turnout of less than 50%.

The same scenario repeated itself in the 2021 presidential election and the March 2024 parliamentary election, where many serious candidates were disqualified by the 12-member unelected Guardian Council. In both elections, voter turnout was well below 50%. In the current election also, six hand-picked candidates were allowed to compete.

Meanwhile, the government continued to use lethal force against protesters and harsh measures against dissidents. This suppression reflects deeper systemic issues within the Iranian political landscape, as highlighted by prominent Iranian sociopolitical analyst Abbas Abdi. In a recent critique titled "A Point with the Government," Abdi articulated the consequences of the government's policy of uniformity, which he argues has led to a reduction in political participation.

According to Abdi, when participation rates in areas like Tehran drop to around 10% or less, it is a clear sign of a legitimacy crisis within the political system. He noted that while some electoral districts may see higher turnout due to ethnic, tribal, linguistic, or religious factors, the overall low participation is a warning sign and a "trumpet of doom" for Iranian politics under the rule of the current ruling system.

“I'm not saying that participation in Tehran should be 80%, but participation under 50% is a warning sign. When it drops below 10%, it is a siren call and even the trumpet of doom for politics.”

Abdi further argued that the distrust in the government leads to diminished efficiency and a lack of public willingness to engage in the political process. He criticized the current administration for its apparent incompetence in addressing and understanding societal issues, describing it as "idealess, without vision, and disappointing."

The implications of such widespread disaffection are profound. As Abdi points out, the distancing of the people from the government has become so significant that bridging such a gap poses not only a logistical challenge but also an emotional and psychological burden on the populace.

As Iran heads towards its contentious election on June 28, the environment is marked by skepticism and a crisis of legitimacy. The last parliamentary elections in March, which saw a low turnout with just about 8% participation in Tehran during the second round, underscore the growing chasm between the government and its citizens.

The limitations were imposed after Ahmadinejad's return from a trip to northern Iran, the sources said.

Ahmadinejad has turned into a critic of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's policies in recent years and assumed an anti-establishment image.

Leaders of Iran's Green Movement, Mir-Hossein Mousavi and his wife Zahra Rahnavard as well as Mehdi Karroubi, were similarly put under house arrest in 2011 for not accepting the results of the 2009 elections which brought Ahmadinejad to power and urging supporters to protest.

Iran's election watchdog, the Guardian Council, barred the populist former president from standing in the June 28 snap elections. He was also barred from running in 2017 and 2021 presidential elections.

In an interview with Khabar Fori news website on June 11, before the vetting results were announced, the controversial former president criticized Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s foreign policy and said he would even negotiate with ex-US president Donald Trump.

"For how much longer do we desire to remain in conflict with the US?" he asked in the same interview while also blaming “certain individuals” for ruining the “potential to resolve matters with the US” after the Islamic Revolution of 1979 by storming and occupying the US embassy in Tehran.

"Certain people" apparently referred to several of today’s high-profile reformists involved in the embassy takeover.

Ahmadinejad’s disqualification was almost certain from the beginning. Many believed he had “registered to be disqualified” to boost the anti-establishment image he has carved out for himself in the past few years.

The former president made a few public appearances before vetting results were announced including at Tehran’s Grand Bazaar.

@Dolatebahar, an X account that normally covers news related to the former president has not tweeted since June 7. 

Speaking at a side session of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on Wednesday, Rehman unveiled his detailed report, which shows systemic state-sponsored atrocities during a brutal crackdown on dissent.

Rehman's investigations found that thousands of political prisoners, including members of minority groups like Baha'is, Kurds, and those affiliated with organizations such as the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) and other leftist groups, were executed in the 1980s, particularly during the summer of 1988.

The prisoners were executed following a fatwa issued by Iran's then-leader, Ruhollah Khomeini, with the approval of a four-member death committee.

The committee included Hossein Ali Nayeri, a Sharia judge; Morteza Eshraghi, a prosecutor; Ebrahim Raisi, a deputy prosecutor who later became Iran’s president; and Mostafa Pourmohammadi, a representative of the ministry of intelligence.

Pourmohammadi is now campaigning for presidency to succeed Ebrahim Raisi, who died last month in a freak helicopter crash.

The report states that the death committee was responsible for a sweeping purge that targeted those accused of opposition to the government, many of whom were executed without a fair trial, marking a clampdown that included torture, sexual assault, and other inhuman treatments. The most intense period of the executions occurred over a few months in 1988, a chapter that has long been shrouded in secrecy and denial by Iranian officials.

“This is not a historical issue, as many people think," Rehman asserted during his presentation. "It is a current issue. There are serious concerns about gross violations of human rights that continue to this day.”

Rehman's findings highlight the continuation of oppressive tactics by Iranian authorities, linking past atrocities with ongoing human rights violations, including the recent international outcry over the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody, which sparked protests and global scrutiny of Iran’s human rights record. Sanctions have since been levied by the international community against Iran in the wake of the crackdowns.

The significance of Rehman’s report extends beyond its historical account as it seeks to challenge the prevailing impunity enjoyed by Iranian officials. For the first time, the atrocities have been formally classified as "genocide," a term that carries profound legal implications. The classification aligns with the definitions established by the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1951.

Rehman’s call for accountability was echoed by Wolfgang Schomburg, a former judge at the International Criminal Tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda, who spoke at the event. Schomburg emphasized the potential for the UN's findings to lead to international warrants against current Iranian figures linked to the 1980s events, which could curtail their ability to travel internationally without facing arrest.

The report, which the United Nations will formally release in the coming days, has spurred a wave of calls for action against Iran from various countries including Canada, Italy and Sweden, and rights group Amnesty International. However, the push for legal and moral accountability continues, as many of the perpetrators remain in high-ranking positions within the Iranian regime.

According to The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) Loghman Aminpour, Meysam Dehbanzadeh, and Majid Roshan Nezhad were each sentenced to six years in prison and 74 lashes for "destruction of property," along with 16 months and 74 lashes for "disturbing prison order".

The event took place amid protests in support of the nationwide uprising which followed the death in morality police custody of Mahsa Amini.

Additionally, Reza Salmanzadeh received a five-year prison sentence and 74 lashes for "destruction of property," along with a two-year sentence for charges of "disrupting prison order" and "disobeying officers' orders."

While Iranian authorities blamed prisoners for the incident, evidence gathered by Amnesty International suggests they used the situation to justify a harsh crackdown, claiming it was to manage the fire and prevent escapes.

Official records document eight prisoner deaths and 61 injuries resulting from the fire.

On Thursday, Iran's Etemad reported on the "exploitation" of mine workers, noting that in addition to fatal accidents, job insecurity is a significant concern.

The report highlighted that thousands of coal, copper, iron ore, and chrome miners across Iran have staged protests lasting from several hours to weeks over the past 27 months.

Etemad's report indicated that over 83 percent of these protests demanded wage increases and addressed delayed payments, with coal miners demonstrating for extended periods.

The newspaper also pointed out that over the past two decades, mine safety and job security for workers have drastically declined, particularly in privately owned mines. Workers are increasingly employed on unstable contracts, ranging from one to three months, often with promissory notes.

The "Zemestan-Yurt mine" incident is still cited as a symbol of miners' oppression and one of the most significant documented cases of mine safety issues in Iran over the last two decades. During a 2017 explosion at the Yurt coal mine in Golestan province in north Iran, 43 workers died. At the time, none had insurance for hazardous jobs, and they had not been paid for months.