Israel Continues Ground Offensive As Hamas Vows To Fight

In his remarks, Abdolrahim Mousavi described the objective of the ground forces exercise as "developing the nation's defense and combat capabilities in the face of potential threats."

Although the army claims that these exercises have a two-fold objective of "giving hope to friendly countries" and "sending a message to enemies", it appears that it is failing to accomplish these goals. A senior Hamas official told The Associated Press on Thursday that they expected Iran's most powerful proxy force, the Lebanese Hezbollah to be more active in the war against Israel.
Ghazi Hamad, a member of Hamas’ political bureau, said that “we need more in order to stop the aggression on Gaza… we expect more” from allies, including Hezbollah.

There have been several cross-border strikes by Israel and Hezbollah since the Gaza war began on October 7. However, no all-out fighting has taken place. The Lebanese armed group, part of the Iran-led 'Axis of Resistance', has maintained a relatively low level of activity.

The US government reports that the Shiite armed group has received direct Iranian financial support over the past decade, which has recently totaled about $700 million per year.

Furthermore, although Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, met with Hamas and Islamic Jihad leaders on Wednesday, he has not made one of his usual public televised speeches in support of these groups following their declaration of war against Israel.

While Iran's officials have made raging statements threatening escalation, it does not appear that they are seeking a major war.

Early on Friday, US fighter jets carried out airstrikes in eastern Syria, targeting locations associated with Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps. The strikes were a response to a barrage of drone and missile attacks against US bases and personnel in the region that began the previous week.

In a letter addressed to the new House Speaker Mike Johnson, Biden made it clear that the recent strikes were executed with the aim of establishing deterrence.

“The strikes were intended to establish deterrence and were conducted in a manner to limit the risk of escalation and avoid civilian casualties. I directed the strikes in order to protect and defend our personnel, to degrade and disrupt the ongoing series of attacks against the United States and our partners, and to deter Iran and Iran-backed militia groups from conducting or supporting further attacks on United States personnel and facilities,” read his letter.

US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, in a statement, described the precise self-defense strikes as a response to a prolonged series of mostly unsuccessful attacks on US personnel in Iraq and Syria by Iranian-backed militia groups, commencing on October 17.

Meanwhile, on Friday, the IRGC-affiliated news agency, Tasnim, reported that gunmen in eastern Syria fired ten rockets at a base housing American troops in retaliation for the US airstrikes. A US official confirmed the rocket attack, noting that there were no reported casualties.

On October 1st, Armita, a high school student, fell into a coma after she was stopped by hijab enforcers in Tehran subway. Although, the government prevented any clear information about what took place, but apparently a woman agent pushed her and Armita fell, receiving a severe head injury.

There was a tight police cordon around her in Tehran's Fajr Hospital to prevent photographs or information from reaching the public. Earlier reports in the Iranian state media indicated that the 16-year-old was brain dead.

Earlier, Iran International received information that Armita Geravand's family faced pressure from authorities to relocate her body discreetly from Tehran to Jafar Abad, Kermanshah, in the event of her death, revealing it was at the order of Iran's Leader, Ali Khamenei.

Following the death of Mahsa Amini in September 2022, the Iranian clerical regime is apprehensive about a resurgence of the extended anti-establishment protests and the 'Women, Life, Freedom movement' seen last year.

The circumstances of Geravand's case closely resemble those of Mahsa Amini's death last year while she was in the custody of morality police. In both instances, the regime denied any wrongdoing but pressured the families to refrain from speaking to the media.

The regime's explanation of what caused the death of this teenage girl has been questioned on social media. Many emphasize that she was "killed" by hijab enforcers, much like Mahsa Amini's case, when the government tried to offer an explanation that she had pre-existing health issues, but the public did not believe it.

Information obtained by Iran International had indicated that additional family members and relatives of Armita Gravand had been threatened and are prohibited from discussing her condition with the media.

There were concerns among the Geravand family and their relatives that security agents might have installed eavesdropping devices or cameras inside their residences, causing them to feel unsafe in their own homes.

Moreover, her parents were required to sign a statement committing not to file a complaint against "any individual, organization, or entity."

Her death has triggered a flood of swift reactions from activists, journalists, and others who have turned to social media to protest against the regime and mourn her passing.

Behnam Gholipour, journalist, wrote on X: "The [political] system that killed this sweet girl is the flagbearer for Gaza."

Political commentator Sadegh Zibakalam in Iran also expressed condolences to Armita's family following her passing, saying: "I hope her death will cause the system to reconsider its stance on compulsory hijab. How many Mahsas and young Armitas must be buried before the authorities accept that you cannot force people to wear the hijab or remove it?"

Iran's parliament passed a stringent 'hijab bill' on the first anniversary of Mahsa Amini's death in mid-September, which, if violated, can result in ten years' imprisonment. Women have been required to wear the hijab by Iran's theocratic establishment since 1979, when the secular Shah was overthrown. However, the 'Women, Life, Freedom' movement has permitted more women to appear unveiled in public places, including malls, restaurants, and stores.

In response to the hospitalization of Armita Geravand, Amnesty International has asked the international community to urge the Iranian authorities to allow an independent international delegation, including UN experts, to investigate the incident.

Ten women, many of them young, were apprehended in Esfahan (Isfahan), central Iran, earlier this week, with an additional three arrests reported in Yazd, the Bahai’s International Community reported.

The arrests were marked by home invasions and the confiscation of personal possessions, including electronics, books, cash, and even gold. In a particularly disconcerting instance, more than ten agents were involved in the raid during one woman's arrest.

Each of the arrested Baha'i individuals and the victims of home invasions carried out by the Iranian government has a profoundly personal and harrowing account of persecution that has permeated every aspect of their lives, the statement says.

The recent wave of arrests and harsh prison sentences follows over a year of heightened attacks on Iran's Baha'i community. Dozens of Baha'is have been subjected to arrests, trials, sentencing, or bans from university education and livelihoods in recent months. In August, the Baha'i International Community reported that 180 Baha'is, including a 90-year-old man had been targeted.

Two other Baha'i women, Mahvash Sabet and Fariba Kamalabadi, who had previously endured a decade in prison from 2008 to 2018, were re-arrested in July 2022 and are currently serving a second 10-year jail term.

In Iran, approximately 300,000 Baha'is reside, and they frequently document a pattern of systematic rights violations. The violations encompass harassment, forced displacement from their residences and businesses, and unequal treatment with regard to government employment and access to higher education.

Online registration for the upcoming parliamentary elections, scheduled for March 1, 2024, was conducted discreetly. The registration website is not accessible to the public, leaving candidates' identities concealed.

Several prominent figures, including former Presidents Mohammad Khatami, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Hassan Rouhani, as well as former Majles Speakers Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri, Gholam Ali Haddad Adel, and Ali Larijani, have announced their decision not to run in the election.

While Rouhani, Ahmadinejad, and Larijani plan to support like-minded candidates, Khatami seems disinterested in the election, possibly stemming from previous frustrations with reformist candidates being disqualified by the regime in past elections. Some even interpret his lack of interest as a sign of boycotting the election altogether.

Some reformists, most notably women's rights activist Faezeh Hashemi has openly boycotted the election and several other reformists have said they might consider a boycott if the situation of vetting and approval of candidates remains as biased and restrictive as before. Some political figures such as the former mayor of Tehran Gholamhossein Karbaschi have called on reformists not to be shy or intimidated and to officially declare their boycott.

Centrist politician Mohammad Namazi says the upcoming election will offer no surprise as he cannot see any sign of a competitive plebiscite ahead. According to Nameh News, political activity concerning the upcoming election appears to be at a minimum.

Namazi, armed with insider knowledge, emphasized that while approximately 40,000 individuals have submitted their candidacies, there is a noticeable absence of prominent political figures among them. Furthermore, he highlighted the persistence of rigorous restrictions and filters imposed on candidates through the vetting process, which is overseen by the Guardian Council under Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's control. Despite the active involvement of certain conservative factions, Namazi noted a lack of enthusiasm among other politicians and the general public, especially in major urban centers. He found it peculiar that there is no discernible government-driven momentum or excitement surrounding the forthcoming elections.

Most political parties seem to lack a well-defined strategy for the upcoming elections. Hossein Marashi, a senior member of the centrist Executives of Construction, was reported as stating that his party intends to withhold its decision until the Guardian Council releases the list of approved candidates. Only then will they consider endorsing a select number of candidates.

Marashi has also suggested that the government holds the key to whether the upcoming elections will be competitive. If the government chooses to extend the registration period and permits broader participation, competitive elections could become a possibility. In such a scenario, political parties may take the opportunity to present their platforms and agendas to persuade the public to participate.

Meanwhile, conservative politician and Islamic Coalition Party member Hamid Reza Taraqqi admitted in an interview that a large number of Iranians did not know that this is an election year in Iran. However, he suggested that lack of public interest is an indication that Iranians are overwhelmed by the news of the war in Gaza. It seems he overlooked the possibility that voters' reluctance and indifference might be a consequence of the government's apathy toward the demands expressed by the people in various nationwide protests since 2018.

The only part of the Iranian political spectrum which is happy about the people's indifference is the ultraconservative Paydari Party which has the upper hand in the current Majles with scores of young but otherwise inexperienced lawmakers who now have a proven record of inefficiency and lack of interest in the people's demands. They know that like the previous election, they can easily win the parliament in a low-turnout election.

Rumor has it that Paydari has registered the candidacy of a couple of its heavyweights such as Party Leader Sadeq Mahsouli and former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili. If this is true, it shows that Paydari is planning to further strengthen its foothold in the parliament and Iran's next government which is to be elected two years after the Majles election.

According to unofficial reports on candidate registrations, around 40 percent of candidates are between 30 and 40 years old, 36 percent are aged 40 to 50, while the remaining candidates fall in the 50 to 75 age range. This trend reflects the ongoing shift toward a younger generation of politicians in the Majles, many of whom may lack a deep understanding of the clerical regime’s founding promises regarding the welfare, freedom, and independence of Iran.