US, Egypt discuss nuclear talks as Iranian FM visits Cairo

According to the report, White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt issued the order last week, halting measures that had been part of President Donald Trump’s ongoing "maximum pressure" campaign.

The directive was passed to senior officials at the National Security Council, the Treasury Department, and the State Department, the report said.

While the White House did not deny the sanctions pause, deputy press secretary Anna Kelly said in a statement to the Journal: “Any new decisions with regard to sanctions will be announced by the White House or relevant agencies within the administration.”

The report said that Trump officials view the move as a temporary slowdown aimed at reviewing potential sanctions more carefully amid sensitive nuclear negotiations, and that it was overinterpreted somewhere along the chain.

Others expressed concern that key policymakers have been out of the loop and surprised by the sweeping pause.

Abolfazl Zohrehvand, a member of the Iranian parliament's national security and foreign policy committee, said the 2003 agreement, which led to the Tehran Declaration, was a "strategic mistake" that should not be repeated.

In October 2003, Iran agreed to suspend uranium enrichment and permit enhanced inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to demonstrate the peaceful nature of its nuclear program and avoid referral to the United Nations Security Council.

The agreement was signed by Iran's then-Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, Hassan Rouhani, along with the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom, France, and Germany at Tehran's Saadabad Palace. It temporarily averted escalation of the nuclear dispute.

However, following the election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 2005, Iran resumed uranium conversion activities at the Isfahan facility in August 2005 and enrichment at the Natanz facility in early 2006. By April 2006, Iran announced it had successfully enriched uranium to a purity level of approximately 3.5%, marking a significant advancement in its nuclear capabilities.

Zohrehvand said in an interview with Didban Iran that Tehran agreed in 2003 to suspend enrichment, signed the Saadabad agreement, and fulfilled its commitments by sealing the Natanz enrichment facility and the yellowcake production facility in Isfahan.

However, despite several rounds of negotiations, Iran’s request for reciprocal measures from the West went unmet, he added.

He said during that period, President Mohammad Khatami had tried to formally transfer a centrifuge to Tehran University to demonstrate Iran’s mastery of centrifuge technology. However, he said, then-Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi contacted British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw to coordinate the move, only to be told it was not permitted and that all centrifuges had to be dismantled.

Zohrehvand also noted that following a visit to Tehran, the German foreign minister went directly to Israel and announced, “We told the Iranians to dismantle their enrichment program entirely.”

According to Zohrehvand, today’s Western demands echo the same expectations as those of two decades ago.

“This same model is being repeated again,” he warned.

Zohrehvand said while a temporary suspension of enrichment in return for sanctions relief might now be acceptable, it would be naïve to believe that the United States would be satisfied with such a deal.

“If resolving the issue merely means suspending or halting enrichment, it could happen—there’s no problem with suspending enrichment for a few years in exchange for the suspension or lifting of sanctions,” Zohrehvand said.

“But believing that the Americans would be content with that is simplistic.”

In the latest crackdown, nine citizens were arrested in Qazvin province, northwestern Iran, in connection with the truckers' strike, according to provincial police chief Mohammad Ghasem Tarhani.

“Using intelligence and technical monitoring, officers recently identified and arrested suspects who were disrupting traffic by throwing stones at passing trucks and filming the acts for social media,” Tarhani said on Sunday.

He accused the detainees of using personal vehicles and motorcycles to block roads, disrupt public order, and hinder economic and livelihood activities.

Tarhani said the detainees were charged and sent to prison on judicial orders.

The strike began on May 22 in the southern port city of Bandar Abbas and spread quickly. Within two days, drivers in dozens of cities joined.

Drivers are demanding better working conditions, higher freight rates, and relief from high insurance costs and fuel restrictions.

Truckers in 155 cities and towns are on strike now, according to the Alliance of Iran Truckers and Truck Drivers’ Unions (AITTD).

Footage verified by Iran International on Sunday showed empty roads and freight terminals in several regions across the country.

The Marand–Jolfa highway in East Azerbaijan province was deserted, while no trucks were seen at the main freight terminal in Tehran, the capital. Similar scenes were reported on the Karaj highway in Alborz province and in the Dashti neighborhood of Isfahan, central Iran.

Last Friday, US-based rights group Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) said at least 20 people had been arrested across Iran since truck drivers' strike began.

Residents from Tehran, Pardis, Gorgan, Shiraz, Ahvaz, and other cities have described widespread blackouts, water cuts and economic losses as the country struggles with an electricity shortfall now estimated at nearly 20,000 megawatts.

Iran’s nominal power generation capacity stands at around 94,000 megawatts (MW), but only 62,000 MW is actually operational. The gap is due to the decommissioning of aging thermal plants and reduced output from hydroelectric facilities amid ongoing drought conditions.

In video and text messages submitted to the campaign, citizens recounted the fallout from unannounced power cuts. "There’s no electricity, so the water pumps stop working. Life becomes impossible. You can't even flush the toilet," said one resident who filmed a sudden blackout in his building.

In the town of Pardis near Tehran, where many buildings rely on wall-mounted heating systems and electric water pumps, residents described being trapped in high-rise apartments without water or elevator access. “The heating system stops, the water doesn't come up to the 14th floor, and the elevator doesn't work. Elderly residents are stuck. It’s torture,” one woman said.

Power outages, which traditionally peak during summer, began unusually early this year in mid-May after Iran's national electricity company, Tavanir, warned of rising temperatures and lower hydropower capacity due to drought.

“We’re returning to the Middle Ages,” said a resident from Gorgan, who reported a 48-hour gas outage alongside electricity cuts.

Small businesses in danger

The outages have paralyzed small businesses, with several owners saying they cannot meet customer demands or preserve equipment.

A carpenter from Yazd said his workshop bought two generators, both of which caught fire. “The generators were substandard, and when they burned, they destroyed a large part of our equipment,” he said. “Each generator cost hundreds of millions of tomans. Now we have nothing.”

Another business owner, a carpenter, lamented the daily disruption. “Because of the repeated power cuts, I can’t complete orders on time. Customers get angry. It’s a constant battle of nerves,” he said.

Damage to home appliance

Residents also reported widespread appliance damage due to power surges. “Our washing machine board burned out last year and we still haven’t been able to replace it,” one person wrote.

Another said a refrigerator was destroyed: “It cost us 12 million tomans (about $150) to fix. Who’s going to pay for that?” The average monthly income in Iran is about $150.

Power cuts are pushing some households and businesses to divert limited funds toward emergency power solutions instead of long-term development.

“People are spending their capital on diesel for generators. That’s their only ask now—just give us fuel,” one analyst told Iran International.

But many families lack access to backup power altogether. One resident wrote: “We live in an apartment, and when the power goes, there’s no water. You go to the electricity office, and it’s shut. Go to the bank, and you have to wait two hours until power is restored.”

Beyond the physical toll, citizens described a growing sense of despair and hopelessness. “Life has lost all meaning,” one wrote. “This is Iran, the looted land. We are people still waiting for a savior instead of changing our fate.”

Iran, which possesses some of the world’s largest oil and gas reserves, has long faced criticism for underinvesting in its power grid and renewable energy infrastructure.

Officials have attributed part of the electricity shortfall to illegal cryptocurrency mining, which Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi said now consumes over 1,000 megawatts—roughly 5% of the national deficit.

Still, many believe mismanagement is the root of the crisis. “I wish electricity was the only problem,” one message read. “The whole system is rotten from the root. The government and the country are both decayed and broken.”

The campaign, titled Crisis Line, continues to collect stories from across the country, painting a picture of an energy grid in freefall—and a population increasingly exhausted.

“Nothing works. No electricity. No water. No internet. No peace,” said one resident. “This is already hell.”

In a public statement issued to Iranian media, Nikzad said, "With humility, I offer my sincere apology to the people.

"This servant of the people considers compliance with the law as obligatory and bows before it. I believe everyone must be equal before the law, and no one is exempt from this important principle."

He said the incident, which took place last week near Tehran’s Vanak Square, was unintentional and emphasized his family's full cooperation with authorities.

The incident drew significant media attention after reports emerged that Nikzad’s son had driven through a restricted bus lane and struck Colonel Khisheh, the head of Tehran Police District 3, while the officer was attempting to stop the vehicle. Rumors circulated on social media alleging attempts to cover up the incident or influence legal proceedings.

Colonel Khisheh, who spoke to multiple Iranian news outlets, confirmed the basic details but denied any attempt at evasion or cover-up.

“On Sunday, May 25, a vehicle entered the one-way lane leading to Vanak Square and was stopped by me,” he said. “In the process, the vehicle unintentionally struck me, causing minor injury. The driver stopped immediately, and the vehicle was impounded. A legal case was opened, and the driver was referred to the local police station.”

Khisheh added that he was taken to hospital and received a visit from both the driver’s family and Ali Nikzad himself. “They came quickly, expressed regret, and emphasized that all legal procedures must be followed.”

Iran’s national police chief, Brigadier General Ahmad-Reza Radan, also contacted Khisheh and his family following the incident and instructed senior police officials to oversee the case until its resolution, according to state media.

Nikzad acknowledged public frustration and concern surrounding the incident and rejected suggestions his son had acted with impunity. “My son did not flee the scene or behave arrogantly. The process of transferring the injured officer to the hospital was done immediately, and both the driver and the car were subjected to legal procedures,” he said.

Domestic commentators, including analysts from local news outlet Asr-e Iran, have called for the release of CCTV footage to ensure full transparency.

Nikzad addressed the broader implications of the incident, saying: “The dignity of the police, the law, and our country is not only obligatory for me, as someone entrusted with upholding the law — it is sacred. Any deviation from this principle is forbidden for me and my family.”

Iranian authorities have yet to disclose whether Nikzad’s son remains in custody.

Pattern of public backlash against lawmaker misconduct

The incident has revived public memory of a similarly controversial episode in 2021, when MP Ali Asghar Anabestani was accused of slapping a traffic police officer in Tehran.

That altercation—allegedly sparked when the officer tried to stop the MP’s car from entering a restricted bus lane—triggered widespread outrage, especially after a video of the officer’s account went viral.

In that case, police launched a formal complaint and submitted evidence to the judiciary, while media headlines described the act as “a slap in the face of a nation.”

Reformist outlets used the incident to challenge the legitimacy and behavior of the hardline-dominated parliament.

Anabestani denied the physical altercation, but his rejection only intensified public anger. Critics accused him of “slapping the law” and called for his disqualification from parliament.

The case showed mounting public frustration with perceived legal double standards for officials and their families.

The 2021 controversy also placed pressure on parliament’s leadership to demonstrate accountability, with Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf pledging zero tolerance for misconduct.

Nikzad’s swift public apology and emphasis on legal equality appear aimed at preventing a similar eruption of public anger.

Public criticism rekindles debate over privilege

The latest incident has reignited public criticism over perceived privilege and legal immunity afforded to officials and their families in the Islamic Republic. On social media, many users drew comparisons between the treatment of Nikzad’s son and that of protesters who have faced severe punishment.

One widely shared comment read: “Someone else’s child set fire to a trash bin and was executed in twenty days after being labeled a ‘mohareb’ [enemy of God]. Your reckless son ran over a law enforcement officer and not only wasn’t charged with moharebeh, he wasn’t even detained for an hour.”

The user was referring to the case of Mohsen Shekari, a protester who was executed on in December 2022

Another user posted: “If you’re part of the inner circle, even murder is handled with ‘compassion.’ If you’re not, setting a trash bin on fire equals the death penalty.”

In a pointed response to Nikzad’s apology, one user wrote: “Your humble apology insults the intelligence of a nation. Arrogantly, you’re trying to whitewash this with talk of unintended escape and unintended leniency from the police and judiciary.”

Economist Abdollah Rahimlou questioned Nikzad’s use of state resources, commenting on unverified allegations that the vehicle driven by Nikzad’s son was equipped with emergency lights.

“Why should an official government vehicle with a rotating light be available to your son? Can this misuse of public assets be resolved with a simple apology?", he said.

Well-known journalist Vahid Ashtari also asked why the MP has a special lane access card, writing, "Is a member of parliament the same as an ambulance or a fire truck?”