Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei believes Iran’s population needs to increase to 150 million
An ad displayed in Tehran’s metro cars that many perceived as a bizarre attempt to criticize birth control has stirred controversy over Iran's official measures to combat shrinking population growth.
“The nurse who healed my mother’s wounds, you are a great lady,” read the caption over an image that many observers at first interpreted as a condom crinkled over a phallic shape.
Below was written: “The nurse who was never born” and “Giving an opportunity to future heroes to be born.”
Social media posts suggested the ad was understood as an anti-condom message promoted by the hardline-dominated municthey have
“Looks like they have seriously used an image of a broken condom in the metro to campaign for childbirth. Since when have they become so open-minded,” user @nah__r asked on X.
The controversial ad in Tehran metro cars
“This ad is dangerously misleading! Condom use is not just for preventing pregnancy, it plays a much more vital role in maintaining sexual health and preventing sexually transmitted diseases,” London-based Iranian hemato-oncologist Dr. Shahram Kordasti weighed in in a post on X.
“Incomplete information is harmful and a sign of the utter irresponsibility of its publishers.”
Design misfire
But the apparent message was due to a misfire in design. Some social media users later clarified that the graphic was intended to show a hospital bed with a bedsheet—not a condom.
The ad, other images bore out, was part of a broader campaign to warn about a future shortage of critical workforce—such as firefighters, emergency responders, and border guards—if Iran’s birth rate continues to fall.
Other versions showed the same shape variously pocked with bullet holes, burnt and frozen, praising the heroism of 'unborn' border patrols, firefighters and rescue workers.
“I realized that that (the opaque covering) was supposed to represent hospital sheets, not condoms after I investigated the ad,” @adameaval posted on X, blaming the campaign’s designers for the confusion.
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Towards a pro-birth policy
Iran’s first condom factory was launched in 1987 by the Ministry of Health, part of a wider effort to curb explosive population growth that had exceeded five percent in the early 1980s.
In the 1990s, Iran’s family planning program was considered among the most effective globally, providing free contraceptives through public health services and promoting smaller families.
But over the past decade, authorities have reversed that approach in response to a steep drop in birth rates. According to the latest official statistics, the population growth rate is now just 0.7 percent.
In 2022, the Health Ministry banned free distribution of contraceptives and required a prescription for purchases. Yet demand continues, and illegally imported condoms and contraceptives are still available—sold discreetly through online shops and some pharmacies.
At the same time, abortion crackdowns have intensified. Abortions in Iran are only allowed during the first four months of pregnancy and only in cases of severe fetal abnormalities or when the mother’s life is at risk. Screening kits for congenital anomalies that may encourage abortions have also been banned.
Babies with benefits
The government is now offering financial and other incentives to encourage childbearing, including bonuses for childbirth, free land and extended maternity leave.
In a bid to support infertile couples, the government recently expanded insurance coverage. On April 27, Iran’s Health Insurance Organization announced it would cover 90% of costs for IVF and ICSI in public hospitals, and 70% in private ones.
Speaking at a National Population Day event on May 19, Mohammad-Jafar Ghaempanah, executive deputy to President Masoud Pezeshkian, warned that the recent 7.4 percent drop in births compared to the previous year is a “serious alarm.”
He added that reversing the trend would require “economic stability, improved livelihoods, and job security.”
However, Iran’s struggling economy complicates these ambitions. The Misery Index—defined as the combined rate of unemployment and inflation—has jumped from 19.3 percent in 2016 to 40.3 percent in 2024, with inflation hovering above 32.5 percent for years.
“A government that hasn’t been able to provide welfare or at least the minimum of it for its current population is not well-positioned ethically to tell its people to have more children,” sociologist Saeed Payvandi told Iran International TV from Paris.
A speech by Iran’s supreme leader Ali Khamenei on Tuesday left many in and outside the country wondering whether negotiations with Washington are about to come to a screeching halt—but will they?
In his speech, Khamenei questioned the value of engaging with the United States and dismissed the enrichment red line set by the administration of President Donald Trump.
The Islamic Republic seeks no one’s permission, he said, adding that he doubted the negotiations would yield any results.
Such remarks have cast fresh uncertainty over a process already clouded by confusion over what has been discussed if such basic disagreements linger.
But has Khamenei really pulled the plug on diplomacy, or is he just shifting focus from one track to another?
Could there be multiple negotiation tracks?
Short answer: yes.
Under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005–2013), Iran pursued diplomacy on multiple fronts. Ahmadinejad and one of his vice presidents held indirect talks via foreign intermediaries, while chief negotiator Saeed Jalili—officially representing Khamenei—led formal talks with European counterparts.
Meanwhile, foreign minister Ali Akbar Salehi, with Khamenei’s blessing, quietly opened a channel with the US in Oman. That secret track ultimately laid the groundwork for the 2015 nuclear deal.
Where is the second track now?
During President Trump’s recent visit to Saudi Arabia, Iran’s former national security chief Ali Shamkhani appeared on NBC, hinting at a proposal for compromise on uranium enrichment.
Trump reposted the message twice, signaling his approval, and remarked that negotiations appeared to be moving in the right direction.
The move appeared to have blindsided foreign minister Araghchi, whose spokesman insisted Shamkhani was not speaking for the official negotiating team.
Both Araghchi and his team criticized US officials—particularly Trump and lead negotiator Steve Witkoff—for spreading misleading information. But Shamkhani stood firm in remarks and editorials carried by Nour News, an outlet closely linked to him.
Shamkhani also holds an institutional advantage: he sits as Khamenei’s representative in the Supreme Council of National Security, to which Araghchi is required to report after every round of talks with the Americans.
How are the two tracks different?
The core difference appears to be over uranium enrichment. Araghchi’s team seeks a deal that guarantees a minimum level of enrichment. Shamkhani’s approach, in contrast, may be less focused on technical thresholds.
But both tracks would ultimately fall under Khamenei’s authority. Internal dissent against his direction remains unthinkable at the highest levels.
Khamenei’s remarks on Tuesday may be the first step in rolling back on the foreign ministry’s effort in favor of seeing what a channel led by Shamkhani might yield behind the scenes.
Iran's former national security chief Ali Shamkhani sitting beside Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei
Why multiple tracks though?
The leadership in Tehran may be testing which channel best serves its strategic objectives. Khamenei has managed multiple negotiation channels before.
If other figures within the system see a diplomatic opening as a path to future influence—especially in a post-deal or post-Khamenei era—he may well authorize additional backchannels.
He may also be seeking to prolong the process, hoping that a future US president will take a more conciliatory approach. Whether Trump would be willing to wait that long remains to be seen.
As nuclear diplomacy draws global attention, Iran’s domestic politics remain consumed by petty administrative debates, leaving little space to address the country’s deeper economic and institutional challenges.
Iran’s currency the rial dropped as much as 4% on Tuesday after Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appeared to question the outcome of ongoing negotiations with the United States, highlighting once more the instability of an economy badly in need of reform.
And yet, the most hotly debated issue in the past few weeks has been whether to change office hours instead of simply adjusting the clocks—a standard move in many countries to maximize daylight during warmer months.
After extended back-and-forth between officials and media, government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani confirmed on May 13 that Parliament had rejected the time change proposal.
Public backlash followed swiftly. Both traditional and social media brimmed with frustration over the 6 AM workday start promulgated to avoid peak electricity consumption hours as an energy shortage and blackouts persist.
Parents, in particular, lament the impracticality of getting children ready and fed before leaving home in the early hours.
Meanwhile, the position of economy minister remains vacant two months after the previous minister was dismissed.
The government has offered no official reason for the delay, but reports suggest the shortlisted candidates are no better than the ousted Abdolnasser Hemmati—widely viewed as more experienced and competent than his potential successors.
His removal, many argue, had more to do with political wrangling than poor performance. What remains unsaid, however, is that no economy minister—or even President—can independently steer the economy while real power lies with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
In Parliament, proceedings drag on with little public interest. The row between Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and hardline MP Mostafa Mirsalim has barely registered.
Mirsalim has accused the parliamentary presidium of accepting bribes to delay impeachment motions. Ghalibaf, calling the allegations insulting, has filed a legal complaint. Meanwhile the public largely views the Parliament as irrelevant at best.
President Masoud Pezeshkian and his team are also losing the limited public support they had—best illustrated, perhaps, by rising voices of disapproval within the moderate and reformist camp.
In mid-May, Pezeshkian and Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref once again vowed to lift bans on social media, but skepticism runs deep—especially after the government’s announcement of a 75% hike in internet subscription fees.
Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani drew fresh criticism during an official visit to the northern province of Gilan, a popular holiday destination. She was reported to have called braving the trip in hot weather “a sacrifice” she was making for the nation—an offhand comment that sparked ridicule.
On social media, satire has flourished at pace with the problems as anxiety over a potential war lingers and military leaders frequently boast of Iran's arsenal.
One user quipped that Iran doesn’t have enough electricity to light up its underground missile stockpiles.
Optimism in Tehran about nuclear talks with Washington has waned after a stern public rebuke from Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on Tuesday to US demand that Iran totally halt uranium enrichment.
"The American side ... should try not to spout nonsense," Khamenei said in a speech. "Saying things like 'we won’t allow Iran to enrich uranium' is way out of line," he added. "We do not think (the talks) would yield results now."
Within hours of Khamenei's speech, the Iranian rial weakened by over 3 percent, and the main index of the Tehran Stock Exchange dropped by around 2 percent.
Some supporters of a hard Iranian line said a US moratorium on Iranian enrichment, which Tehran maintains is its national right, would scupper the talks.
“The Leader stood up to America's excesses. The US will be directly responsible if the negotiations bear no result. They have no right not to recognize (Iran's) right to enrichment,” hardline cleric Ehsan Ebadi posted on X.
But the sharp speech also raised alarm about the stakes of the talks' collapse.
“The failure of the negotiations is definitely a loss for Iran, not the US. Iran should not let the negotiations fail,” Iranian teacher Ali Ghiasi-Farahani posted on X.
“What benefit has enrichment had for the Iranian people that they insist on continuing it? It has cost over a trillion dollars in direct and indirect costs so far. Be realistic!!”
Door not yet closed?
Observers from the reformist camp sought to project a cautiously hopeful tone, suggesting the door to diplomacy has not yet closed.
“Peace will come, God willing, when the fighting escalates, the uproar increases, and the pressure reaches an unbearable level. Reason: Experience,” senior reformist journalist Mohammad Sahafi posted on X.
Likewise, reformist journalist Ali-Asghar Shafieian who is close to the Pezeshkian administration emphasized that firm statements from Iranian officials did not yet mean negotiations were doomed.
“Relevant officials have given a similar and appropriate response to the other party's claim before the Leader. If required, they will again make the necessary response after him,” Shafieian posted on X. “But these responses do not mean the failure of negotiations or despair in finding innovative solutions to the problem.”
Matin Razavi, a hardline commentator, also dismissed suggestions of a diplomatic breakdown. “Iran's rejection of further talks and saying no to the US is part of Tehran's 'diplomatic performance' toward Washington. We have not yet reached the stage of failure of the talks,” he wrote.
A more nuanced interpretation was offered by a supporter of Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf posting as @mhmdhsyn who suggested that Khamenei’s rhetoric could be a tactical gambit.
“The Islamic Republic says no through the words of its Leader, shows its frowns through the language of its military men, and says yes by its diplomats," he wrote. “This is the Al Pacino face of Iranian diplomacy—smiling on one side and frowning on the other.”
Iran’s top cybercrime official said that many websites and online platforms advertising sigheh or temporary religious marriage are designed to defraud users, even after an investigation by Iran International last week demonstrated it was a genuine industry.
“Many users fall for false promises and suffer serious financial and reputational damage,” said Vahid Majid, head of Iran’s Cyber Police (FATA), in remarks to Tasnim, a news agency affiliated with the Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.
He said the police were taking “consistent and firm action against websites facilitating sigheh, matchmaking.”
Majid added that victims often avoid filing complaints due to concerns over honor and privacy, hampering legal follow-up.
Police continue to track offenders even in the absence of formal complaints, he added, warning that “sigheh-related pages were under full surveillance.”
The remarks followed Iran International's reporting last week that while many of these platforms are indeed fraudulent, some do function. The outlet contacted several Telegram channels and found that in some cases, women responded, sent voice notes, or even agreed to meet in person in case of a cash exchange.
Although the Islamic Republic denies endorsing these services, the investigation pointed to a functioning market where sex work is marketed as religiously-sanctioned contract marriage.
Dissident Iranian composer Mehdi Rajabian has become the first Iranian to win a Telly Award for his work on Mercedes-Benz's promotional teasers, after years of imprisonment for his underground musical activities and outspoken advocacy for artistic freedom.
The Telly Awards, established in 1979, honor excellence in video and television across all screens.
Rajabian whose compositions have been featured in several Mercedes-Benz promotional materials, was recognized at the 46th edition of the awards.
His music was featured in teasers for the Mercedes-Benz 300 SLR, the brand's most expensive model, and for Earth Day campaigns.
"The award has previously been given to the creators of teaser music for BMW, Toyota, Meta, Adidas, Apple, and Netflix, as well as to producers of content from The Washington Post, Al Jazeera, Fox News, NBC, Bloomberg, Warner Bros., and others," Rajabian said on his Instagram, dedicating the prize to his fans.
The Iranian artist was honored in 2023 with the United Nations' Minority Artist Award, which recognized his efforts to highlight issues of discrimination and human rights through his art.
"Happiness is a collective event, and unfortunately, no one is happy here [Iran]. The situation has changed completely after the recent protests. No award can be a criterion for determining an artist's artistic value, but it can certainly be a platform for the voice of human rights and artistic freedom,” said Rajabian in a statement on his UN award.
He previously faced imprisonment in Iran for his musical activities, enduring solitary confinement and a hunger strike.
Rajabian was arrested in 2013 for releasing underground music and was charged with “propaganda against the government”. He was put in solitary confinement for three months and then released on bail.
He was again arrested in 2015 for his album The History of Iran Narrated by Setar, a lute-like instrument used in traditional Persian music.
In Tehran’s notorious Evin prison, Rajabian began a 40-day hunger strike that led to his release on parole in 2017.
Rajabian was arrested again in 2020 for his album Middle Eastern but did not spend time in jail and was released on bail. He was accused of “encouraging prostitution” because females were singing in the album.