Proposals for Iran deal limit enrichment but preserve nuclear program – Reuters

The display, first posted by a user on the social media platform X last week, showed a row of pads visible in see-through folders—an abrupt break from the longstanding norm of black plastic bags and whispered requests at the counter.

The post quickly surpassed one million views and gathered thousands of likes and shares. “From black plastic to product albums to help us choose better. What a path we’ve come, woman!” wrote one user, who reposted the image with commentary that resonated widely.

Others joined the conversation with similar stories of resisting the imposed shame around buying menstrual products in public.

The marketing choice—practical on its face—has gained symbolic weight in a country where women’s bodies are policed not just through law but through entrenched taboos.

“Seven years ago, when My Lady launched its maxi pads, we had to secretly open samples for customers,” wrote a user identifying as a company marketer. “The store manager scolded us, said it was shameless. So we made a discreet booklet with three samples stuck inside—like contraband.”

The move to make pads visibly accessible in stores echoes moments from the 2022 protests, when women were photographed covering surveillance cameras in Tehran’s subway with sanitary pads—turning a product once treated as unmentionable into a symbol of defiance.

That imagery reinforced a broader shift: menstruation was no longer something to be hidden, but something women could use—literally and figuratively—to resist.

In a post viewed more than 800 times, another X user described how, in smaller towns, buying pads still carries a strong social stigma. “I’d say put it in a regular bag, and I’d relish the look on the seller’s face,” she wrote. “You could see them thinking, ‘How shameless the new generation has become.’ It was deeply satisfying.”

That stigma, rooted in religious and patriarchal frameworks, frames menstruation as impure. Across various cultures with strong religious influences, menstruating women are often deemed unclean and barred from certain spaces. The expectation is silence—both about the blood and the discomfort.

In Iran, where the Islamic Republic’s laws tightly govern gender expression and public morality, that silence is rigorously enforced.

Still, the shift is underway. A handful of men have joined the conversation online, recalling how they were dispatched to buy pads to shield female relatives from embarrassment.

“I’d run home with the black bag, praying no one saw me,” one wrote. But others mocked the change, reflecting a lingering cultural divide. Of 84 replies under one widely shared post, 11 came from male accounts opposing the visibility initiative.

The company behind the display, My Lady, has previously drawn official backlash. In March, following the release of a video marking International Women’s Day—one that referenced women’s exclusion from stadiums and legal rights—their Instagram page was taken down. Still, the public rallied, citing the brand’s decade-long focus on education and taboo-breaking.

The rise of transparent packaging may not end the stigma, but its presence in plain sight signals a societal reckoning.

The journey from hushed exchanges to open acknowledgment continues, carried forward by a generation of women unwilling to be hidden.

According to the photos take on April 30, the large crater has been formed in front of the administrative building of Sina Marine and Port Services Development Company, which was the epicenter of the explosion.

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In the images, the complete destruction of the building—located in the northwest section of the compound—can be also clearly seen, along with the adjacent warehouses and at least three other buildings. The trees in the area also appear to be completely burned.

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The images also show a large number of shipping containers crushed on both sides of the explosion site, highlighting the extent of the destruction.

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Iran International had previously reported that the 15-hectare Sina yard, which could accommodate between 12,000 to 20,000 twenty-foot containers, was entirely destroyed. The latest satellite photos confirm the previous report.

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The new images also reveal the total destruction of a large administrative building in the nearby Onik yard, located to the north of the Sina area. Damage to this building has not been previously reported.

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Khazar Qeshm Company: 10 hectares

To the west of the Sina yard lies the yard of Khazar Qeshm Company, with an area of 10 hectares, which has been almost completely destroyed. The images show that the roof of the company’s warehouse, which is located approximately 500 meters from the explosion's epicenter, has been completely torn apart.

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Azim Farrokhond, a local resident, was demonstrating against the execution of one of his relatives when he was fatally shot, the sources said.

Special forces stormed the gathering, they added, injuring several protesters and arresting others.

The protest coincided with the executions of two prisoners, Karim Farrokhond and Mahmoud Ostadmamzayi, who had been sentenced to death for armed robbery.

Although the prisoners' sentences had been suspended several times, sources said the executions were carried out.

Ilan Berman, a former CIA and Pentagon consultant now senior vice president of the American Foreign Policy Council told Iran International that early signs could point to a deal that does not address the issues which led to that pullout.

"The same concerns that prompted the Trump administration to withdraw from the JCPOA — limited duration, narrow scope, and overly generous concessions to Tehran — are once again at the center of the conversation."

"Ballistic missiles are the most likely delivery mechanism for a future nuclear weapon. Excluding them from the deal, as was done in 2015, is a critical flaw," Berman added.

"It’s a concession that should never have been made — and repeating it now would be a serious mistake."

The advancement of talks to discussions between Iranian and US specialist teams on technical matters which began on April 26 could signal that major political decisions have been already made, Berman said.

"When negotiations reach the expert level, it typically means that the parties have already achieved consensus on key issues and are now refining the technical details."

"By that measure, the talks are moving swiftly. While I’m uncertain whether a deal will be finalized within the next two months, there’s no question this process is progressing significantly faster than previous negotiations."

President Trump’s informal 60-day deadline for reaching a new deal might also favor Tehran, Berman added.

"There are three-time pressures shaping this process: the approaching snapback deadline at the UN, the looming US midterm election cycle and the pace of Iran’s nuclear advancements. Each factor limits Washington’s options and strengthens Tehran’s bargaining position."

Berman warned that a desire for quick political victories — especially after diplomatic disappointments with Russia and Hamas — could lead the administration to make premature concessions in the Iran file.

Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff is handling all three dossiers.

"The current team is handling multiple high-stakes portfolios simultaneously, and that’s deeply concerning," Berman said. "When you try to solve Russia, Gaza and Iran all at once, you risk compromising the depth and quality of each."

Berman also raised concerns about the precedent a new agreement might set for nuclear non-proliferation in the broader Middle East.

"If Iran retains the right to enrich uranium, regional rivals such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey will demand the same," he warned.

"That undermines the integrity of the global non-proliferation regime."

Modeled on the US Marshall Plan that helped rebuild post-WWII Europe, Tehran’s strategy sought to create political and economic dependency through reconstruction projects, religious diplomacy, and trade.

A 33-page Iranian policy study found in the looted embassy explicitly referenced America’s postwar blueprint, describing Syria as a "$400 billion opportunity" for Iran.

Instead, with Assad deposed by rebel forces in December and exiled to Russia, Iran’s assets in Syria were swiftly dismantled. Embassies were looted, paramilitaries withdrawn, and dozens of projects—including power plants, religious sites, and railways—abandoned.

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Reuters reporters uncovered contracts, correspondence, and financial records showing Iran’s deep economic footprint and how it unraveled amid Western airstrikes, corruption, and internal mismanagement. The news agency used artificial intelligence tools to analyze nearly 2,000 documents.

One key project, a €411 million Latakia power plant built by Iran’s Mapna Group, remains half-finished. Other efforts, such as an oil venture in eastern Syria and a $26 million Euphrates rail bridge, were destroyed or halted. At least $178 million in unpaid debts to Iranian firms remain, though estimates of total losses exceed $30 billion.

The collapse comes as Iran faces regional setbacks, including heavy losses among its allies Hezbollah and Hamas, and growing diplomatic pressure from the US.

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“The Syrian people have a wound caused by Iran, and we need a lot of time to heal,” said new Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former rebel leader, in an interview.

Iran’s foreign ministry declined to comment. Many Iranian officials involved, including Revolutionary Guard commander Abbas Akbari, did not respond to Reuters' inquiries.

For Syrians who worked on Iran-backed projects, the exit is bittersweet. “Iran was here, that was just the reality, and I made a living from it for a while,” said a Syrian engineer who worked on the stalled Latakia project.

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