Iranians decry intensified Ramadan enforcement amid economic hardships

The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the President is no quitter but has been "a bit fragile since Sunday evening".

Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati was impeached by parliament while Vice President for Strategic Affairs Javad Zarif resigned under pressure last week.

The latter was the country's most prominent reformist and an articulate exponent of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy on the world stage. Zarif would likely have been Pezeshkian's key player in nuclear talks the administration hopes could have rolled back US-led sanctions crippling Iran's economy.

Hardliners, most importantly Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, have rejected those talks.

But now that Pezeshkian's agenda appears decisively thwarted, Tehran newspapers which had long alluded to the possibility of his resignation have gone largely mute on such an unprecedented move which would lay bare political infighting.

Unlike a few weeks ago, when newspapers and websites openly debated Pezeshkian's possible resignation from various political perspectives, the topic now appears off-limits.

Journalists and commentators have largely avoided mentioning resignation directly, possibly engaging in self-censorship as they grasp the gravity of the situation and fearing reactions by authorities.

Nearly all outlets treated the word as taboo, instead voicing concerns over the collapse of Pezeshkian’s “national reconciliation” project—an effort to bridge the divide between rival factions, including Reformists and hardliners, to curb political infighting.

Only one prominent reformist, former lawmaker Ali Nazari—now editor-in-chief of the reformist daily Mostaghel—openly addressed the issue. He advised Pezeshkian to "honorably resign" following the removal of two top aides: Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati and Vice President Mohammad Javad Zarif.

Although government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani officially dismissed rumors of Pezeshkian's possible resignation, a viral video on social media fueled further speculation. The footage showed Pezeshkian reciting a verse from the Quran: "If you live in poverty and misery, weakness is not an excuse to stay where you are. Leave!"

Many interpreted this as a sign of his frustration and sense of powerlessness, possibly hinting at a decision to step down. Others suggested he was simply encouraging Iranians struggling under economic pressure to consider emigration.

Meanwhile, some users circulated another video from Pezeshkian's election campaign, in which he said, "If I find it impossible to stand by my promises, I will discontinue my political activities."

Many newspapers and websites in Iran have highlighted the impact of Zarif's absence in the Pezeshkian administration.

They noted that Zarif would be sorely missed, as the president had relied on him in the unlikely event of a shift in Khamenei's firm stance against negotiations with the United States.

One newspaper pointed out on Wednesday that with Zarif and Hemmati gone, 75% of Pezeshkian’s cabinet is now made up of hardliners—figures he had attempted to co-opt but who remain fundamentally opposed to him.

Only two days after the impeachment of Hemmati and the removal of Zarif from his post, most of the press have almost forgotten the former while Zarif's pictures were all over both conservative and proreform media.

Although the word "resignation" was largely avoided, newspapers and websites widely discussed the deadlock created by Sunday's events. Ham Mihan wrote, "Those who brought about the deadlock are expected to explain it and show a way out of it."

Former diplomat Kourosh Ahmadi wrote in Shargh, "It was clear long ago that there was no room for Zarif in the government." On the conservative front, political commentator Mehdi Arab Sadeq wrote on the Nameh News website, "Zarif was Pezeshkian's last line of defense. With his departure, Pezeshkian lost at least half of his social backing."

On the same website, centrist politician Mansoor Haqiqatpour advised that Pezeshkian should remove all the conservatives he brought into his government. Like many other commentators across the political spectrum, he argued that Pezeshkian's national reconciliation project has failed and should be abandoned.

The pro-reform outlet Rouydad24 described Sunday's events as a symbolic defeat for the Iranian president and warned that even greater pressure is yet to come. 

Speaking at a meeting with members of the National Security and Foreign Policy Committee of the parliament on Tuesday, Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei said, "The people's livelihood is not good; it is bad. All branches of government must work to strengthen the country's economic and productive base, which is crucial for improving people's living conditions."

His comments come amidst widespread economic hardship in Iran, exacerbated by international sanctions and domestic mismanagement.

Ejei stressed the need for a shift in the culture surrounding investment, urging, "We must change the culture of supporting investors in the country. We should not consider wealth as something negative.”

Advocating for the utilization of the potential of Iranians living abroad, he asked. “Are all Iranians living abroad against the Islamic Republic?" he asked.

Addressing concerns about government corruption, he said, "Corruption is contagious; sometimes financial corruption leads to political and cultural corruption as well. We in the judiciary do not claim to be without flaws, but we have dedicated ourselves to correcting weaknesses and shortcomings."

"The phrase 'we do not negotiate under sanctions' is not accurate; rather, we 'do not negotiate under maximum pressure,'" she said.

Her remarks came as Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ruled out direct talks with Donald Trump, who reinstated severe sanctions last month. The US president defended his approach, saying reports of a planned military strike on Iran were greatly exaggerated and that he preferred a deal.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has said he supported negotiations but has aligned with Khamenei’s decision against engaging in talks. Addressing parliament on Sunday, he said his initial stance had been for diplomatic engagement but deferred to the Supreme Leader's position.

"Negotiation is a voluntary act," Mohajerani said. "No one can force another person to sit at the negotiating table."

Amid mounting political shifts, Mohajerani dismissed concerns that recent resignations and dismissals could fracture government unity.

"Impeachment or resignation of an individual does not take us away from national unity in solving people's problems," she said, referring to the ousting of Vice-President Mohammad Javad Zarif and Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati.

Zarif, known for his role in the 2015 nuclear deal, tendered his forced resignation on Sunday, though Pezeshkian has not accepted it. Mohajerani confirmed that "one side of a resignation is its acceptance, which has not yet been granted by Pezeshkian."

Zarif later wrote on X that he stepped down following a meeting with Iran’s judiciary chief, who advised him to "return to the university to prevent further pressure on the government."

With economic concerns mounting, Mohajerani acknowledged the challenges but stressed that solutions would take time. "The country's economic issues did not emerge overnight and will not be resolved overnight either," she said.

Iran’s parliament impeached Economy Minister Hemmati on Sunday, bringing his tenure to an end after lawmakers blamed him for the country’s worsening economic crisis.

The vote followed a heated session in which Hemmati defended his record while critics pointed to the surging exchange rate and rising inflation, blaming him for its worsening since coming to office.

Economy Minister Abdolnaser Hemmati was impeached by Parliament while Vice President for Strategic Affairs Javad Zarif resigned under pressure last week.

Hardliners accused Hemmati of failing to curb rising prices, inflation, and the devastating devaluation of Iran’s rial, while Zarif faced criticism over his family members' US citizenship. Pezeshkian had strongly defended both men.

The key question in Iranian newspapers on Monday was, "Will hardliners stop here?" Some outlets predicted that attacks on Pezeshkian and his government would continue.

Political commentators speaking to Persian-language media outside Iran said that anyone in Pezeshkian's position would have resigned almost immediately.

Inside Iran, however, commentators remained silent or were too intimidated to voice opinions that could be seen as undermining the government's integrity or sowing discord among officials.

What media, commentators, and politicians in Iran did not say was that Hemmati was impeached for economic problems rooted in Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s refusal to negotiate with the United States to address Iran’s chronic economic crisis. While many have acknowledged in recent months that US sanctions are the primary driver of Iran’s economic hardships, they have consistently avoided blaming Khamenei for the situation.

Even Pezeshkian and Hemmati, who detailed Iran’s deep economic problems in their speeches at the Majles, avoided explicitly naming Khamenei as the culprit. However, Pezeshkian made it clear: "I wanted to negotiate with the United States, but Khamenei forbade negotiations, and therefore, I said we won't negotiate."

That statement alone was damning. Pezeshkian was desperately trying to convey to the nation that the suffering was not his fault. From Khamenei’s perspective, shifting the blame to the economy minister helped absolve the Supreme Leader of responsibility for prolonging the country’s financial hardships.

With Khamenei dominating the country's political and media landscape, Pezeshkian has little room to further defend himself. He is likely to be left isolated, facing intensified attacks from hardliners who oppose his presidency and have never hidden their desire to unseat him.

The pro-reform website Fararu quoted former government spokesman Ali Rabiei as saying, "Pezeshkian has more difficult days ahead of him."

Other reformists, including cleric Mohammad Ali Abtahi, a former aide to President Mohammad Khatami, criticized Pezeshkian for his attempts to unify with hardliners. Abtahi argued that Pezeshkian appointed ultraconservatives to key positions in his government without securing their support for his administration.

Tehran's former mayor Gholam Hossein Karbaschi, who is currently the proprietor of centrist Ham Miham daily, wrote: "The hardliners will be further emboldened if Pezeshkian does not object and keeps giving concessions to ultraconservatives."

Karbaschi advised Pezeshkian that "There should be a limit to the idea of national reconciliation." He added that Hemmati's impeachment was a factional move and is not likely to bring about any improvement in the country's economic situation." He explained that the "ultraconservatives always held a grudge against Hemmati since June 2021 when he was competing with ultraconservative figureheads Saeed Jalili and Ebrahim Raisi as presidential candidate and questioned their understanding of the country's economy."

Referring to "the failure of national reconciliation as Pezeshkian's main project," proreform Rouydad24 warned the Iranian President: "Reconciliations with others in power has failed. Think of reconciling with the people."

Former trade minister Reza Fatemi-Amin received a one-year sentence and former agriculture minister Javad Sadatinejad was handed two years after both found guilty of “complicity in disrupting the country’s economic system”.

The sentencing of former government officials marks a rare instance of high-profile figures being prosecuted in the Islamic Republic. Appeals and commutations have meant similar sentences are often not fully implemented.

The Debsh Tea scandal, one of the largest financial corruption cases in Iran’s history, involved financial misconduct amounting to approximately $3.4 billion. Investigations uncovered widespread fraud, including large-scale tea smuggling, currency manipulation and illegal acquisition of foreign exchange.

At the center of the scandal was the industrial group’s CEO Akbar Rahimi Darabad, who on Monday was sentenced to 66 years in prison for various economic crimes according to his spokesman, including organized smuggling and bank fraud.

Rahimi Darabad has also been required to return over €2 billion in received foreign currency facilities and pay fines for various smuggled tea shipments.

The two ex-ministers were among 44 individuals found guilty in the case, which allegedly involved Iran’s Central Bank and customs and various ministries, raising public concerns over the extent of economic misconduct in the country.

The investigation alleged that Debsh Tea had exploited government policies to acquire vast amounts of foreign currency at official exchange rates, later selling it at significantly higher prices on the open market.

The company also smuggled tea into the country without fulfilling tax and import obligations.