Election of US-backed Lebanese president is not a defeat, Iran says

Among the 183 blacklisted vessels, eight were identified as having transported both Russian and Iranian oil, according to the Treasury.

"Several of the vessels sanctioned today have shipped not only Russian oil but also sanctioned Iranian oil," the Treasury said in a statement Friday.

The vessels are part of what the Treasury described as a shadow fleet, a network employing what it called "high-risk shipping practices" to evade detection. It said many of these vessels were involved in shipping Russian oil at prices above the $60 a barrel price cap imposed by G7 countries.

“The United States is taking sweeping action against Russia’s key source of revenue for funding its brutal and illegal war against Ukraine,” said Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen.

In addition to targeting the vessels, the sanctions expanded to include traders, shipping companies, and maritime insurance providers linked to the illicit oil trade.

“These actions substantially increase the sanctions risks associated with Russia’s oil trade,” the Treasury said, adding that the measures reflect continued efforts to limit the financial resources of nations accused of undermining global stability.

"That sense of weakness could also theoretically create a possibility for serious negotiations," Burns said in an interview with NPR, referencing his experience with secret talks involving Tehran more than a decade ago.

Burns highlighted several factors undermining Iran's strategic position, including two failed ballistic missile strikes on Israel, the collapse of its allied group Hezbollah in Lebanon, the significant weakening of Hamas in Gaza and the fall of its ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

"Iran’s strategic position has suffered considerably over the course of the last six or seven months," Burns said. "All of that strategically puts the Iranian regime in a much weaker position."

"The Iranian regime could decide in the face of that weakness that it needs to restore its deterrence as it sees it and reverse the decision made at the end of 2003 to suspend their weaponization program," he added.

However, he emphasized there is no evidence Tehran is actively pursuing a nuclear weapon. "We do not see any sign today that any such decision has been made, but we obviously watch it intently," he said.

The missile base was unveiled by IRGC Chief Commander Hossein Salami and the Aerospace chief Amir-Ali Hajizadeh, the IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News reported.

The base was used in the Iranian missile attacks against Israel in what the Islamic Republic codenamed operations True Promise 1 and 2 in April and October 2024, Tasnim said.

"The volcano lying under these mountains can erupt in the shortest time possible," state TV's report said.

Earlier in the day, Salami said that Iran has more missiles than it can store, the Revolutionary Guards commander said, dismissing what he called enemy propaganda about the weakening of Iran's armed forces following consecutive attacks by Israel on Iran and its allies.

"Their situation is unbearable, with undignified detention conditions that, for some, constitute torture under international law," the ministry said, adding that French nationals are advised not to travel to Iran.

The Iranian ambassador was summoned three days after the French foreign minister said Iran's future ties and sanctions relief depend on the release of three French citizens detained in the country, with some held in conditions resembling torture.

"The situation of our compatriots held hostage in Iran is simply unacceptable; they have been unjustly detained for several years, in undignified conditions that, for some, fall within the definition of torture under international law," French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot said Tuesday.

Rights groups say three French citizens—Cécile Kohler, Jacques Paris, and Louis Arnaud—have been arbitrarily imprisoned without due process, with Kohler and Paris held for over two years.

Arnaud, a banking consultant, was sentenced to five years in prison by an Iranian court in November 2023.

Kohler, a teacher of contemporary French literature, was arbitrarily detained along with her partner Paris during a trip to Iran on charges of “espionage.”

Both Paris and Kohler were subject to inhumane detention conditions including forced false confessions on state TV.

I attended one such event last week, a play I learned about through a friend. It was staged in a unit at a mixed-use building, half commercial, half residential. Not an earth-shattering show to be frank, but a unique experience worth sharing, especially the petty-crime feel of it.

This is how it happened.

The friend who told me about the play gave me the director’s number. I messaged him on Telegram. He asked for a reference and I named my friend. He sent me a bank account number to pay for my ticket: 200,000 tomans ($2.50 on the day of publication). Minutes after the transfer, I received a confirmation message and a slick brochure in PDF format, complete with cast, crew and the venue address.

I asked if I could tell others about it. “Only if they’re trustworthy,” he replied.

Underground performances in Iran rely solely on word of mouth. Public advertising is no option because an unauthorized show is not supposed to take place in the first place. Any work of art that seeks the public light—a film, a song, a book, or a play—has to be reviewed and approved by the censors at the aptly-named Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance.

But in the past few years, most notably since the widespread protests of 2022, more and more people refuse to submit their work to the ministry. They rather take it underground and take the financial hit than honor official red lines mandating the hijab and barring physical contact between men and women.

Resistance

"Many of us in theater work two jobs to sustain this resistance,” the director told me before the show on the condition that I protect his identity.

“The government likely knows about our performances, but as long as they’re small-scale and mired in hardship, they turn a blind eye.”

But they couldn’t turn a blind eye on Parastoo Ahmadi and her groundbreaking online concert with no hijab in a public space. The performance briefly landed her in jail.

“Her performance epitomized this movement,” the director said. “It shattered almost every taboo that’s been created by our fanatic rulers in the past four decades.”

Concerts in Iran require permits. Women are forbidden from singing in public. And of course they have to cover all but their faces and hands. Parastoo performed in an old caravanserai with no hijab, filmed it and released it on YouTube. She did indeed cross all red lines—and will most likely pay for it.

Very few are that bold, of course. But they are “doing their bit in the struggle,” as the director put it.

On the day of the performance, I habitually arrived 15 minutes early. It was a building like any other in central Tehran. I buzzed the third buzzer as instructed and was let in. There was no elevator. Walking up the stairs, I heard from a unit what sounded like the playful giggle of a toddler.

On the third floor, I found a woman seated at a desk by the door. I gave her my name and ticket information. The setting resembled an arts school, perhaps one offering classes in creative writing. I was asked to wait on the roof terrace to avoid crowds forming in the hallway.

On the rooftop, six or seven others were already waiting. A small area had been enclosed with plastic sheeting, and a heater stood near a table and chairs. We huddled around the heater for warmth until we were called back inside and, to our surprise, were guided to the fourth floor instead of the third.

Doing their bit

An average-size apartment had been turned into a space for performances. A wall was removed and most others were painted black. It was a modest stage, six by eight meters perhaps. Two rows of benches faced the stage, enough for 15-20 people.

The first act had two actors, a man and a woman. The woman wore a t-shirt and no hijab. I was thrilled and nervous. Everybody was, I think. Like children in a Halloween event. For the first time in my life, I watched a man hug a woman on stage. That most ordinary of contacts left us gasping. I almost teared up pitying us for all that the Islamic Republic has taken away from us.

I’d rather not say much about the performance not to risk revealing the identities of those involved.

After the performance, I spoke with the director. “Why such a small audience?” I asked. “We can't host large audiences or perform back-to-back shows,” he explained. “After a few performances, we need breaks of several days or weeks to keep everything secure and unnoticed.”

Another reason for the small audience, he said, was the lack of advertising. “Not many hear about events like ours. Most are friends and friends of friends. Many rather not risk it, fearing police raids and arrest.”

I asked if that was a real possibility and if he was scared. “I am mostly concerned for my team," he said briefly, perhaps knowing that the subject would make him anxious.

Despite the risks and the financial losses of not having a mass audience, more and more artists ignore the Guidance Ministry and its censors. Films produced with no permit appear at festivals abroad; unlicensed music and theater performances are flourishing; and books published without license can be seen on the shelves of the odd bookstore “doing its bit” - as the director had put it.

Last but not least in doing their bit is the audiences: fed-up Iranians turning away from works of art that bear the government’s seal of approval.

It’s hard to tell if these scattered, unadvertized acts of resistance will join and grow into a social movement beyond Tehran’s art scene.

But even if they don’t, they will create—they already have—a new collective space for free expression, a new front in the war of attrition against those who would silence them.