Iran Claims Large Consignment Of US Gear and ‘Weapons’ Seized
Amid a tense situation in Iran on the anniversary of last year's anti-regime protests, the government claims that it seized “American weapons and gear” entering the country.
Amid a tense situation in Iran on the anniversary of last year's anti-regime protests, the government claims that it seized “American weapons and gear” entering the country.
The official government news website IRNA quoted an official in the southern Hormozgan Province on the Persian Gulf as saying that “a large consignment American-made instruments was discovered as it was entering Iranian waters, including thousands of electric shockers specially designed to be used by rioters,” on board a vessel.
The website published a photo showing two cardboard commercial boxes full of smaller packaging fully covered with American flags, full of what appeared to be small electric shockers. It did not show any weapons as IRNA claimed in its report.
These could well be merchandize produced in Pakistan and other regional countries that are freely available in Iranian bazaars.
Iranian regime officials in the past have regularly claimed seizure of weapons and terrorists, rarely producing any convincing evidence.
Since the beginning of protests in September 2022, officials taking their cue from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei have blamed the United States and its allies for fomenting unrest in Iran. Many people detained for posting news or images on social media have been accused of “collaborating with the enemy.”
The chief of the judiciary department in Hormozgan claimed that the consignment was identified and followed before being loaded on the vessel “by the exact intelligence work and was seized immediately upon entering Iranian waters.”
Critics see a hasty plan to sell off government properties and companies as a way of "plundering Iran’s resources in the course of liquidating the country’s national assets."
Conservative news website Alef has quoted Ahmad Tavakkoli, the head of the Iranian NGO, Transparency and Justice Monitor, as saying in a letter to lawmakers, the heads of the three powers of the government and the privatization board that the plan "should be totally rejected."
The media reported in January that Vice President Mohammad Mokhber, Economy Minister Ehsan Khandouzi, Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi, Roads Minister Mehrdad Bazrpash, and four other officials will form the Privatization Board. Reports at the time said that an order issued by the heads of the three powers of the government bars critics of disclosing details of transactions and suspends for two years all legislations that might prevent these transactions.
The members of the Privatization Board have asked for immunity against all criticism and possible legal prosecution.
The scheme is reminiscent of previous privatization efforts that led to huge corruption cases, when people bought public assets at a fraction of their market value often simply to sell valuable lands or borrow large sums from banks against the assets.
Tavakkoli, who is also a member of Iran's Expediency Council, a non-elected body whose members are appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, also said that Khamenei has revoked his endorsement of the privatization plan. Tavakkoli is an established conservative politician, who belongs to the ‘principlist’ camp, which has lately been overshadowed by ultraconservatives who control the parliament and President Ebrahim Raisi’s administration.
While the plan is presented as an effort to make the economy more efficient and raise money for the cash-strapped government, critics believe there are powerful people involved whose only interest is to buy valuable lands at low pieces.
Criticizing Raisi’s privatization and other economic plans administration, Tavakkoli said the economic situation is so bad that "If an average Iranian worker saves one third of his monthly income to buy a house, it will take him 135 years to be able to afford buying one." He further warned that if the government undertakes to implement the shady privatization plan, this will be an end to many Iranians' hope to own a house."
Stressing that this is the third letter he is writing about privatization, Tavakkoli further warned that this plan will entail heavy losses and other consequences for the Islamic Republic as it extensively violates the rights of the nation.
Echoing previous warnings by other politicians and commentators, Tavakkoli argued that the plan will create new opportunities for corrupt individuals. He further accused the seven high-ranking members of the privatization board of planning to take advantage of their immunity before the law to spread financial corruption.
Meanwhile, former deputy culture minister Hossein Entezami in a tweet on Friday called Tavakkoli's letter "shocking." He added that "the seven members of the Privatization Board and their colleagues who enjoy permanent immunity from prosecution, have [so far] received 54 trillion rials ($108 million) for working on the board." He added: "I wish Vice President Mohammad Mokhber and Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf will cease to insist on implementing the privatization plan."
Rafael Grossi, Director General of UN nuclear watchdog, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), made the rare public statement on Saturday amidst the national rallies taking hold in Iran and abroad around the one-year anniversary of the death of Mahsa Amini.
It is the latest move to stonewall inspectors by the Iranian regime, which just recently withdrew the designation of another experienced IAEA inspector for Iran.
“With today’s decision, Iran has effectively removed about one third of the core group of the Agency’s most experienced inspectors designated for Iran,” Grossi said in a statement.
“This measure, while formally permitted by the NPT Safeguards Agreement, has been exercised by Iran in a manner that affects in a direct and severe way the ability of the IAEA to conduct effectively its inspections in Iran.”
Grossi strongly condemned Iran's "disproportionate and unprecedented unilateral" decision, saying it will affect the IAEA's verification activities in Iran.
He admitted that it is both “a step in the wrong direction” and “constitutes an unnecessary blow to an already strained relationship between the IAEA and Iran in the implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement”.
In reaction to the IAEA statement, Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesman said the country's decision to withdraw the designation of several IAEA inspectors is based on its rights under the Article 9 of Iran-IAEA Safeguards Agreement (INFCIRC/214).
Earlier this week, another meeting of the Board of Governors of the IAEA continued with no effective step to address the questions surrounding Iran’s nuclear program.
Iran is known to have expanded its program significantly since 2018, when the United States unilaterally withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal – or Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
On Wednesday, three signatories of the deal, UK, France, Germany (E3) delivered a joint statement at the IAEA Board of Governors meeting, in which they condemned Iran’s lack of transparency with regards to its nuclear program.
However, despite their emphasis on Iran’s non-compliance, the E3, much like the US, fell short of introducing measures that would ensure Tehran’s cooperation with the IAEA. On the contrary, just in August the Biden administration agreed to release $6 billion of Iran’s funds blocked in South Korea due to US sanctions, in exchange for five US citizens held hostage in Tehran.
In the State Department’s press briefing Wednesday, Spokesperson Matthew Miller refused to comment on why a resolution condemning Iran’s non-cooperation was not introduced at the IAEA meeting. Pressed by a reporter, Miller said the Biden administration would only work with other members “to clearly express that Iran should cooperate fully with the IAEA.”
This was in line with a joint statement delivered to the IAEA Board of Governors meeting on behalf of the US and 62 other member states, including all EU countries, Turkey, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
In January, IAEA inspectors at Fordow detected undeclared centrifuge configuration changes as well as particles of uranium enriched up to 83.7%. In March, Grossi visited Iran and brought back an agreement that was hailed as a breakthrough by both sides but deemed insufficient and non-binding by its critics.
The agreement (or the Joint Statement) stood on the premise that Iran had “expressed its readiness” to “provide further information and access” and “allow the IAEA to implement further appropriate verification and monitoring activities” on a “voluntary” basis.
Six months on, the premise seems to have been shaky at best. According to the IAEA, Iran has accumulated enriched uranium (5-60%) far beyond JCPOA limits
Iran continues enrichment in Fordow, where inspectors detected undeclared particles of uranium enriched at 83.7%.
In Saturday’s statement, Grossi urged the regime to come back to the table. “Without effective cooperation, confidence and trust will continue to be elusive and the agency will not be in a position to discharge effectively its verification mandate in Iran and provide credible assurances that nuclear material and activities in Iran are for peaceful purposes,” he said.
Speaking to Iran International, a representative of the United Youth of Iran (UYI) revealed that despite the government's repressive tactics, including widespread arrests and significant communication challenges, they have successfully broadened their efforts. Extending their outreach, they have gone beyond the alliance's initial scope, to connect with a diverse range of groups that were active during the protests. This includes workers' associations, activists, women's and student groups, as well as civil society organizations.
“This was one of our most important achievements,” the representative who requested anonymity said about UYI.
The alliance of youth groups says it fights alongside other Iranians to free the country from its repressive regime.
UYI was formed when several so-called ‘neighborhood youth groups’ found each other on social media and published a manifesto in early December, less than three months after the death of Mahsa Amini in the custody of morality police sparked several-month-long protests across Iran.
The manifesto circulated on social media said it was meant to “pave the grounds for dialogue and cooperation” among various trade organizations, unions, political groups and activists inside Iran and abroad. It has been revised several times since then.
The document said getting rid of the Islamic Republic, separation of religion and state, and the “formation of an inclusive, democratic government” formed the cornerstone of the manifesto.
“Obviously, the regime makes every effort to identify and arrest members of youth groups and clamps down on these groups to prevent them from growing. They also use tactics such as spreading rumors about our connection with dubious political groups,” the representative of UYI told Iran International.
According to her, youth groups from twenty-three cities out of the thirty-five that initially joined the alliance have persevered and remain actively engaged on the ground, consistently prepared for protests. Meanwhile, some have been forced to operate covertly due to security concerns, while others have been compromised following the arrest of their members.
“We contact each other through safe online applications such as Session and Signal but many underground activists are very weary of any contact. Some of them also have difficulty accessing the internet,” one of the leaders of the alliance who also requested anonymity told Iran International.
“The Revolutionary Guard has gained access to social media accounts of some of the original neighborhood youth groups and is controlling their accounts,” he said.
“Last year, even before Mahsa was killed, you could easily feel people’s anger on the streets, the anger coming from loss of hope in the improvement of their lives, … There was an air of darkness and misery,” Behzad, a twenty-one-year-old student of philosophy from Karaj and a member of UYI told Iran International.
According to Behzad and several other members of youth groups, Mahsa’s death sparked the protests, but it was not only vengeance that drove them to the streets to protest. People were fed up with the regime and wanted it gone, they said.
“The Islamic Republic has been dead for a long time. It has lost its legitimacy amongst the people. I’m certain that its annihilation is going to be expedited by the constant attrition among its loyal forces … People will return to the streets again, when the time comes, because we really don’t have anything to lose,” Behzad said.
“Mahsa’s killing, another example of the clerical regime’s suppression, increased people’s anger to the extent that it became explosive,” Haleh, 29, who studies arts in Esfahan (Isfahan) said.
"I joined protesters on the streets for the first time in January 2017 when the recent protest movement emerged. It was at that moment that protests in Iran transformed into a revolutionary movement due to the economic and political despair among the people," she added.
Sina, a 25-year-old studying for a master's degree in accounting in Tehran, expressed that the only conceivable future for himself and individuals in a similar situation is emigration or a transformation in the country's governance, as the current circumstances are unsustainable.
“There was this shared pain, the pain that most of the population felt … The drop in the election turnout [in 2020 and 2021] was indicative of the loss of hope in any improvement through the ballot box,” Sina said.
Arezou (27) from Nowshahr in northern Iran who holds a degree in literature also said the future looked dark and miserable to her before last year’s protests. “My country would still be sitting on the verge of an abyss even if I found a way to a bright future for myself … From economy to the environment, from politics to the society’s ethics, everything was quickly falling into decay.”
Last year’s protests spread to many large and small cities across the country, and even to some very conservative towns and villages, despite heavy-handed government crackdowns and recurring internet blackouts but gradually subsided by early 2023, when the regime took even a harsher approach and hanged two young protesters, Mohsen Shekari and Majidreza Rahnavard, in public and five others in the following months.
Around 500 were killed by security forces, tens of thousands of protesters were arrested, thousands were wounded, and hundreds lost their eyes to pellets fired directly at them by security forces during the Mahsa protests.